Great generals are scarce; there are few Morgans.
General Nathanael Greene
Bar-room brawler, drinker, gambler, and womanizer; six feet tall and built like a brick yard with arms like tree trunks, Daniel Morgan (1736 – July 6, 1802) was an imposing figure in any time period. Yet beneath this rough frontage, was an honest and passionate figure who shed tears when he was captured at Quebec and later at the Battle of Saratoga, openly cried when a devastating volley cut his men to pieces. But the real praise for this wild and ferocious fighter was the proven fact that he was a born commander. Historian James Frassett wrote that “Daniel Morgan, or the Old Wagoneer as he called himself, was the most successful field leader of the American Revolution – and perhaps the least remembered.” James Graham, author of The Life of General Morgan of the Virginia Line of the Army of the United States, writes in his 1856 text on Morgan, “After examining all the sources of information within my reach, I became convinced that few, if any, of the heroes of that day furnished larger contributions than he did to the glory of our arms, or surpassed him in the amount and value of their services.” In defeating the British in what historians’ claim was the most brilliant battle of the Revolutionary War and among the greatest masters of military art, tactics that military academies continue to hold up as a model for future generations, Morgan’s contribution as Founding Father is nothing but astonishing.
We’ve all seen the images – Continental Soldiers huddled around winter fires, starving, distraught, America’s darkest hour; “these are the times that try a man’s soul”, taught in every classroom of American History. Valley Forge and the winter of 1777-1778, when the British commanded both New York City and Philadelphia and a fledgling nation barely had the resources to keep the rebellion alive let alone an army in the field. When General Washington had been beaten on nearly every front and whose reduced forces were dwindling by the day due to illness, death, and desertion. However, Valley Forge, though harsh, was not the lowest point in the American Revolution. The British had gained Philadelphia, but it proved to be of no military value. The main British army had been confined into two comparatively small regions of the colonies while a second army had faced total annihilation earlier in the fall of 1777. Fully a third of the colonial population continued to support the rebellion in money and recruits, while the French had recently entered the war against England. Lastly, Washington’s army had gained a savior in Baron von Steuben, a German recruit, skilled in whipping a collection of amateurs into an effective fighting force who soon stand toe to toe with British steel.
No, America’s truly darkest hour was yet to come – three years after Valley Forge. Colonial interest in the rebellion had stalled, recruits were at their lowest, desertion their highest, entire companies then regiments mutinied, the money ran out, military and civilian leaders squabbled and resigned, and France’s intervention on the American side proved a bust; for it became clear that they were more interested in acquiring land in the Caribbean and bloodying England’s nose than assisting the American cause. By 1780, the British had invaded the south, captured an entire American army, and was, colony by colony, reclaiming America as their own as they methodically moved north. With the rebellion sputtering to a halt and British victory seemingly assured, into this dismal period stepped Daniel Morgan. And in one miraculous and what many historical military tacticians will agree, an act of genius, he snatched victory from defeat. His actions surged through the colonies and gave America the moral shot in the arm it needed, lifting a nation’s spirt to see past the swirling clouds of despair. It assured patriots that their rebellion and vision of new government would not perish, claiming a democracy elected by the people that would endure long after the final guns were silenced.
Virginian Daniel Morgan’s success at the Battle of Cowpens, January 17, 1781, that turned the tide on British encroachment in the south and paved the way for General Cornwallis’ eventual defeat at Yorktown, was no accident. Morgan had developed his unique combat skills and proven meddle as a wilderness fighter from the earliest actions in the French and Indian War. At the dawn of the American Revolution, he left his farm and organized and trained one of the finest fighting forces in America; British General Burgoyne would call his regiment the finest in the world. He would participate in the first offensive action against the British at Quebec, spearhead the final defeat of a British Army at Saratoga, withstand the hardships at Valley Forge, and be the eyes and ears of Washington’s army as the British were driven from Philadelphia across New Jersey. His name would become synonymous with some of the most determined and hardened fighters of the war. Skilled in defensive, open field, and wilderness warfare; Morgan’s Riflemen would time and again prove their worth. Whether called upon to probe enemy forces or when spearheading an attack, they stood firm before the best the British had, forever forging their name on the laurels of an American democracy that laid the foundation for future greatness.
Early History
Daniel Morgan was born to Welsh immigrants in the winter of 1736 in Hunterdon County, New Jersey. The only recorded reference to his birth date was given by Morgan after his capture in the failed attack on Quebec in which during the prisoner exchange, he gave his age as 40 years. Morgan was reluctant to talk about his past, never speaking of his family nor of where he was born. Accordingly, his parents were James Morgan (1702-1782) and Eleanor (Lloyd) Morgan (1712-1764), Welsh Quaker immigrants who settled in America in 1720 in Bucks County, north of Philadelphia. Of siblings, Daniel supposedly had a brother who he visited once shortly after returning from the Battle of Saratoga in 1777. His father was an iron master and soon after Daniel was born, the family moved across the Delaware River to Hunterdon County, New Jersey.[1] He left home in 1753 at age 17 (supposedly after a severe argument with his father) and after a spell in Carlisle, Penn., settled in Charles Town (Winchester), Virginia, at the northern end of the Shenandoah Valley.
The gangling six-foot, 200-pound youth, whose manners were ‘rude and unpolished’ had little education. Having spent his earlier years splitting rails, plowing and clearing the family’s land, when it came to finding work, he hired himself as a farm worker. Later he was put in charge of his employer Burwell’s sawmill. At age 19, he took on the job as wagoner. He transported supplies over the Blueridge Mountains to new settlements to the west and hauled products from the frontier back over the mountains to markets in the east. The wages were quite good and he discovered he liked traveling the ‘outdoors’. Within six months, he saved enough money to buy his own cart and team of four horses and went into business for himself, hauling his own wagon along The Great Wagon Road – from Philadelphia, through Lancaster PA, southward through Maryland, Winchester and the Valley of Virginia, ending in Yadkin River, North Carolina. He came to know all these early wild lands like the back of his hand, which helped years later during his battles with British General Cornwallis’ forces.
As a youth, barely out of his teens, he lived and worked in a thinly populated wilderness, inhabited by a people who, for the most part, were rough and uncultivated as the country they lived. Morgan’s biographer Graham put it colorfully, “the hardships and privations which they were occasionally called upon to endure, gave a dash of intrepidity and recklessness to their character, and made them regard courage and other soldier-like qualities as those entitled to the highest praise and honor.” Morgan grew quickly into a tall, strong, strapping young man who was built like a rock and who exhibited self-confidence, carelessness, decisiveness, and the courage admired by others as a born leader. So too he was a brawler and heavy drinker. He often hung out in taverns and became renowned as a hell-raiser who loved a good time and bruising fist fight. He played cards, gambled, joked around, particularly loved rum, and often was garbed in backwoods ‘Indian attire’. His flamboyant career as a free-for-all independent wagoner was soon cut short by the French and Indian War.
French & Indian War
Morgan would see service in the war first as a wagoner and later, an armed soldier. By the mid 1750’s, the rival claims of Great Britain and France to the fertile regions west of the Alleghany Mountains had led to aggressive attacks by both settlers and Native Americans. A constant series of raids by both sides of the conflict resulted in blood shed, however it needed a spark between direct opposing foes to ignite war. That spark came when then Provisional Colonel George Washington, leading a militia of Virginians, surprised a detachment of French & Canadians on May 28, 1754 during a diplomatic mission and killed the leader, Joseph Coulon Jumonville. This resulted in a declaration of hostilities which in Europe became the Seven Years War and in America, the French and Indian War. Colonials, from New England to Georgia, and particularly those of Virginia, were in a state of great excitement. Preparations for war were observable by increased enlistments in provincial militias and the gathering of provisions and armaments. England answered the alarm from colonists by sending two of their best regiments, led by General Edward Braddock, to reclaim territory from the French west of Pennsylvania and Virginia. The advance of such a large army through the wilderness called for an extensive support system of axe men, workers, and of course, hundreds of wagons to haul supplies and armaments.
British Major General Edward Braddock’s Defeat: July 9, 1755
Morgan jumped at the chance to earn guaranteed work at thirteen shillings a day and signed on as a teamster to haul for the British. He, along with around three hundred other teamsters, arrived with designated supplies at Fort Cumberland (present day West Virginia near Pennsylvania) at the beginning of May, 1755 and awaited the army. Braddock arrived by the middle of the month and was joined by twelve hundred provincial militiamen, including camp followers numbering another five hundred. The army’s goal was to capture Fort Duquesne in western Pennsylvania. After a delay waiting for additional supplies to arrive, the army set off through the wilderness. The progress of hauling wagons and artillery through the wilds, including building bridges over streams and shoring newly cut roads through wetlands was extremely slow. On the 19th of June, Braddock’s patience had worn thin and he decided to take most of his troops, twelve hundred regulars and a few companies of provincials, and push on in a first division. This left the second division with the remaining provincials and a few regulars, under the command of Colonel Thomas Dunbar of the 41st, to carry on with baggage, supplies, and artillery as best they could. The wagons followed slowly and by July 10th, halted around seven miles west of what was called The Great Meadow (where the previous year Washington had built a crude fortification called Fort Necessity) and now referred to as Dunbar Camp. It is there that they heard of the disaster that befell Braddock’s force.
July 9th, Braddock’s first division approached Fort Duquesne. He would have to cross the Monongahela River twice and he sent an advance force under Captain Horatio Gates to construct a rough road to the second ford. After the main army crossed the river, Gate’s advance force was attacked by 72 French regulars, 146 Canadians, and nearly 700 Native Americans. The Americans, led by Colonel George Washington, took to the woods while the British remained in formation in the open. Gradually, within the three hours of battle, the British, who kept in ranks in the fields, were driven back until so many officers had been killed or wounded (Braddock had been shot in the lungs) that the British panicked and ran for their lives. Washington would later state that they were like sheep before the hounds. Those wounded or who could not keep up were scalped and killed, several captured later met horrific deaths in torture. Over a third of the British force had been killed with many more wounded.
On the evening of July 10th, as Dunbar’s baggage division set camp seven miles west of Great Meadows, the first stragglers and wounded began to arrive with news of Braddock’s’ defeat. Panic and fear spread through the camp at the thought that the savage enemy might be in hot pursuit. The next morning many of the provincial troops took off for home along with many of the unencumbered wagons and teams, leaving little transportation for the helpless wounded. Morgan remained and would be instrumental in filling his wagon with wounded. On July 12th, Braddock was brought into camp and orders were given to retreat to Fort Cumberland. Baggage, artillery and supplies were destroyed to make room for the wounded in the wagons which had remained. On the night of the 13th, Braddock died and was buried in the middle of the road to prevent the discovery of his body by hostile tribes. The wounded and dying reached the Fort on the 17th, with Dunbar and the rest of the remaining force who had been covering the retreat, arriving soon after.
After Braddock’s Defeat
While Colonel Dunbar, now in command, retreated to Philadelphia where the British forces were to winter and lick their wounds, the frontier was left in an ominous situation. The Royal Government in Virginia rigorously raised another regiment of sixteen companies and placed them under Colonel Washington with orders to defend settlements along the wilderness. Washington promptly posted troops at varying points all along the Virginia frontier. Morgan remained with the army and was assigned to the quartermaster’s department. He was active in transporting supplies up and down this line of defense and was frequently open to hostile attack by roving bands of French and Native Americans.
499 Lashes
In the spring of 1756, while hauling supplies to Fort Chiswell, Morgan fell into a confrontation with a British Lieutenant who verbally abused him then struck him with the flat of his sword. Morgan immediately swung out and with one punch, knocked the officer senseless. British military law was brutal and exact; Morgan was to receive 500 lashes for striking an officer. Morgan suffered a punishment that often killed the victim either while receiving the beating or afterwards from infection. He later said that when done, his flesh hung in strips or as he put it, ‘tags’. Years later, toward the end of Morgan’s life, Reverend William Hill wrote that when changing his linen, he “discovered his [Morgan’s] back to be covered with scars and ridges from his shoulders to his waist. ‘General’ said I, ‘What had been the matter with your back?’ ‘Ah’ replied he, ‘that is the doings of old King George. While I was in his service, upon a certain occasion, he promised to give me 500 lashes. But he failed in his promise and gave me but 499; so, he has been owing me one lash ever since. While the drummer was laying them on my back, I heard him miscount one. I was counting after him all the time. I did not think it worth while to tell him of his mistake, and let it go so.’ Supposedly, Morgan held no grudge towards the lieutenant who later had apologized for the incident and Morgan’s suffering.
Highlanders Attack at the Battle of Bushy Run in 1763. Artwork by Don Troiani
First Time Acting as a Soldier and in Command
On April 18, 1756 an action took place twenty miles from Winchester, Virginia, Morgan’s residence, which set the course for his military service as a soldier and commander. It has since been labeled the Battle of Great Cacapon or Mercer’s Massacre. Captain John Fenton Mercer, of Washington’s Virginia regiment, [the Mercer clan – Scotsmen – were friends of Washington including later General Hugh Mercer] garrisoned the wilderness Fort Edward, on the Cacapehon river about twenty miles northwest of Winchester. Mercer, along with 36 men (some reports state as high as 50 or more), had sallied out in pursuit of a band of Native Americans and were ambushed by a large body of French & Indians. Mercer and sixteen of his men were killed out-right. The rest of the militia were chased down and killed; only six survived and made it back to the fort. The Winchester militia was promptly called out to garrison the fort against an expected assault. Morgan was chosen to lead the fifty volunteers and in a short time after their arrival at the fort, the fortification was attacked by a formidable body of French and Indians. On the second day of the attack, the enemy made ‘a furious assault’ on the fort. Morgan and the others fought back, it was reported that Morgan personally killed four attackers, and the enemy was repulsed. Supposedly, in the heat of battle, and while the enemy was fleeing, Morgan yelled “let us follow the red devils’, and the garrison swiftly pursued them. They overtook many of their foes and killed and wounded several before the rest fled. Afterwards, Morgan was commissioned an ensign by Virginia Governor Robert Dinwiddie and also may be the first time that Washington took notice of the young, fire-brand backwoodsman’s talents as a leader.
By the spring of 1758, then Second Lieutenant Morgan joined a local company of rangers serving with the British who were stationed at various forts along the frontier. There was much activity as British General John Forbes built a new road and string of forts in a methodical approach to attack Fort Duquesne.[2] Morgan was to receive his only wound in action which very nearly killed him. He and two escorts were returning from Fort Edwards with a dispatch for the commanding officer at Winchester, Virginia, when they were ambushed by a band of French and Native Americans at Hanging Rock. His two companions were shot and immediately fell off their horses. So too was Morgan injured. A musket ball went through the back of his neck, grazed the left side of his neck, and passed through his mouth near the jaw bone, coming out through his cheek but not before dislodging some teeth of his left jaw. While his escort was being scalped, and with blood flowing freely from his wound, Morgan was able to hang onto his horse and though weakened, was able to spur him from the scene. Morgan reached the fort and was taken from the saddle insensible. He remained in critical condition for quite some time and over the next six months, slowly recovered.
After the French & Indian War
With the British having captured Fort Duquesne on November 24th, 1758, the frontier west of Virginia and Pennsylvania quieted down. Morgan, having recovered from his wound, resumed his occupation as a wagoneer supplying settlers along the frontier. At age 23, his bravery and ‘manly conduct’ in the war had earned him a high position among his fellow associates. He soon resumed his brawling and ‘rough ways,’ however; he remained frugal with his money while renting in the Winchester area. About 1762, Morgan obtained a grant of land a few miles east of Winchester, and devoted himself to farming and raising stock. A year later in 1763, he tried his hand at soldiering again. A loose confederation of Native American tribes, primarily from the Great Lakes region, were unhappy with the British post war policies. In May of 1763, a number of British forts and settlements were attacked; eight forts were destroyed and hundreds of colonists were killed or captured, with many more fleeing the region. The following action was named the Pontiac War after the Odawa leader. Virginia responded by calling one thousand militia into service to aid the existing forces already on the frontier. Colonel Stevens led this militia and Daniel Morgan, because of his previous experience, was given the position of lieutenant in one of the companies in Stevens regiment. Successful expeditions in 1764 by the British brought the war to a quick end and the militia was disbanded without Morgan ever having been involved in the action. The same year he marched to the beat of war, he also took on a common law wife, Abigail Curry Morgan (1743 – 1816), eight years his junior.
Abigail, daughter of Daniel Curry, a prosperous Frederick County farmer, was ‘a woman of rare beauty and lofty character,’ though other accounts state that she was ‘plain, sensible, and pious.’ She had a genuine interest in religion which influenced Morgan and would eventually deter his habits of ‘rough-housing’ with his mates at the local tavern. She also taught him to properly read and write. The union would produce two children: Nancy Morgan Neville (1763-1839) and Betsy Morgan Heard (no dates – wife of James Heard). Willoughby Morgan (1785-1832) would come along after the war and by some accounts, was fathered by Daniel Morgan through an extra-marital affair. Also, reportedly Morgan, at age 19, had an illegitimate son Daniel Morgan (1755-1821). Between 1769 and 1772, Morgan purchased a 255-acre tract including a two-story house from Abigail’s uncle, Sam Blackburn, and named it ‘Soldier’s Rest’. It was three miles north of Battletown (location of Morgan’s favorite taverns) and eleven miles east of Winchester, near the land he had previously rented and not far from Abigail’s father, Daniel Curry.[3] On March 30, 1773, reportedly due to the persuasion of the Anglican vicar, Charles Thurston, Morgan and Abigail were married.
Politics & Dunmore’s War
While Morgan improved his reading and writing under his wife’s tutelage, he became involved in public affairs. He was considered a man of sound judgement and substance who acquired land and settled down. He was politically active and shared the developing sentiment by those who considered themselves patriots and readily joined in the growing rebellion to the crown. Having proved himself a military leader, in 1771, William Nelson, acting Governor of Virginia, commissioned Morgan captain of the Fredericksburg Militia. In 1774, great atrocities occurred in Kentucky by both whites and native tribes. It was only a matter of time before blood was spilled by a group of settlers in Virginia sparking what has been termed Lord Dunmore’s War, named for the Royal Governor of Virginia, Scotsman John Murray, 4th Earl of Dunmore. Murray decided to take matters into his own hands and asked the Virginia House of Burgesses to declare a state of war with the Shawnee and their allied northern tribes. The Burgesses complied and ordered up four regiments of militia ‘to pacify the hostile Indian war bands.’ General Andrew Lewis was called to lead the militia.
While recruitment continued for this force, around five hundred men under Major Angus McDonald waded into the wilderness west of Virginia in what is now West Virginia and northern Kentucky, to throw themselves between the settlers and native forces. Morgan had quickly raised a company of men and marched off with McDonald’s force. McDonald’s orders were for him to take a defensive position, but he soon moved to attack. Six miles out of the Shawnee village of Wappatomica, his column was ambushed. Captain Woods, in the advance position, became confused and fell back. Morgan, his company second in line, demonstrated his aggressive skills under combat and pressed his men forward, rallying Woods’ troops and driving the Native Americans from their positions and pushing them to retreat. The Village was quickly taken and burned as McDonald’s forces moved on to burn and pillage several other villages throughout the region. After the Battle of Point Pleasant on October 10, 1774, in which Morgan played no role, the Native Americans lost the right to hunt in the contested area and agreed to recognize the Ohio River as the boundary between their lands and the British colonies.
Beginning of the American Revolution
At the conclusion of Lord Dunmore’s War, Morgan’s company was released from duty and were on their way home. Upon arrival at Fort Pitt (former Ft. Duquesne), they were informed that Parliament had closed the Port of Boston and that the Virginia House of Burgesses passed an order condemning ‘this despotic action.’ They also learned that a Congress had been called from the thirteen colonies to take action against the measures and ‘tyrannical encroachments of the British government.’ Morgan penned in his journal that “we, as an army victorious [perhaps referring to their recent victories against the Native Americans], formed ourselves into a society, pledging our words of honor to each other to assist our brethren of Boston in case hostilities should commence.” During the winter and spring of 1775, Morgan was at home with his family, however was intently involved with escalating developments as sabers rattled throughout the colonies. After violence erupted at Lexington & Concord, Massachusetts on April 19th, the Second Continental Congress assembled on June 10th and named George Washington on the 14th as its Commander in Chief of the Continental Army. Twenty thousand men were to be raised. Congress also called for ten companies of riflemen to be recruited in Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia (responsible for two companies).
On June 22, 1775, Morgan was selected by unanimous vote to head one of Virginia’s rifle companies chosen from Frederick County. In only ten days, Morgan’s local fame and association with his ‘rough and rowdy’ backwoodsmen drew a gathering of frontiersmen to his call to arms. In no time at all, he had 96 able bodied men, mostly in their mid-twenties, all proven wilderness fighters and incredible huntsmen. They were dressed in long hunting shirts, leather and rawhide breeches, leggings, and moccasins. So too, Morgan donned what was called ‘Indian clothing’ and carried a new, incredible weapon, the Kentucky Long Rifle. It was the weapon of choice for what would become ‘Morgan’s Rifle – at the time the most advanced weapon worldwide. On July 15th, he and his company set out from Winchester, Virginia for the six-hundred-mile trek to Boston. Morgan pushed his men relentlessly, arriving on August 6th, averaging an incredible twenty-seven miles a day!
Kentucky Long Rifle
The Kentucky Long Rifle (also known as the Pennsylvania Long Rifle because most were made by Pennsylvania gunsmiths) was the weapon of choice for wilderness hunters and in war, rifle corps and ranger outfits. In 18th century warfare, there were two types of weapons carried into battle: the smooth-bore musket and the grove-bore rifle. Both had their strengths and weaknesses. The smooth bore musket could be loaded quicker. It fired a larger caliber bullet or shot. Cartridges were often prepared ahead of time (powder and shot wrapped together) to aid in the speed of loading and consistent charge. Muskets however, were notoriously inaccurate with an effective range limited to around eighty yards. To counter this, men were massed in ranks and ordered to fire low in volley, and not worry about aiming. The result was a wall of shot that would hopefully do enough damage to the opposing force to halt their attack. It was the ideal weapon on the open field of battle. The musket could also accommodate a seventeen-inch blade or bayonet. The groove-bore rifle on the other hand, could not be loaded as quickly. The caliber bullet was smaller. Power was poured down the muzzle followed by the ball wrapped in cloth. However, because of the grove-bore, the shot spun when fired. Like the arrow, whose feathers spin the shaft and the javelin thrower who twists the wrist upon release, the spin made the rifle incredibly accurate. Also, because the shot snugly fit the grooves, its velocity was much higher than the musket, allowing the effective range to be greater – so much so that a rifle in the hands of a marksman could hit his target at two hundred yards with some reportedly up to three hundred yards.
The rifle had drawbacks. They took longer to reload and, in that time, an enemy force could effectively charge with the bayonet. Also, rifles did not have bayonets and therefore could not thwart such an attack nor charge like musketeers. Therefore, the rifle was used mainly to probe enemy lines, act as skirmishers (advanced patrols before the main body of troops), marksmen to pick off the enemy from afar, and to damage an advancing force from a distance before the enemy fell in range of the more numerous muskets. Rifles had been used in Europe decades before their development in the Americas; mainly of German design with the famed German huntsmen or Jaeger. Unique to the American design, labeled Kentucky Long Rifles, were changes implemented by these German immigrants who settled in the Lancaster, Pennsylvania area. The German rifles were shorter, thereby their velocity was less with a lower range of effectiveness. The American gunsmiths added the longer barrel and modified the breech, making the weapon more powerful and less problematic with limited maintenance. The perfect weapon for the wilderness and in the American Revolution – proven to be the most advanced hand held weapon for the next several generations. Weapons proudly carried by Morgan’s backwoodsmen he entitled ‘Morgan’s Raiders.’
Trek through Maine
In the summer of 1775, when Washington had arrived to take over the army outside Boston, he inherited a collection of New England farmers and merchants with a scattering of experienced soldiers from the previous war with France. When Morgan’s riflemen arrived, the first from his home providence, it was reported that Washington was so overjoyed, that upon review, he leapt from his horse and personally clasped hands with every member of Morgan’s company. Over the next six weeks, Morgan’s men were idle, bored with camp life and the mundane activities that involved keeping an eye on the British forces locked up in Boston. Used to the freedom of the backwoods and now confined to a settled countryside, they began to drink, fight, and basically became a general nuisance. When Congress decided to invade Canada and Washington requested three rifle companies to join Colonel Benedict Arnold’s trek through the Maine wilderness to Quebec, Morgan’s riflemen represented Virginia. Many New Englanders breathed a sigh of relief to see Morgan’s men traipse off on September 15, 1775.
Arnold soon chose Morgan to command all three rifle companies and lead the advance party through the wilderness. The march through the wilds of upper Maine in late fall and early winter has been well documented as one of the great feats of any assaulting force. Arnold’s men forged a 350 miles path in 60 days up wild rivers, thickly tangled forests, and crossed immense swamps, battling the elements, cold, and starvation before finally reaching the St. Lawrence. Their food supply had dwindled to the point that they were consuming their own leather clothing to stay alive. Many had become sick and had to turn back with the stoutest hearted among them, six hundred and seventy-five of the one thousand and fifty who had started out, finally reaching the St. Lawrence River. Though Captain Morgan and Colonel Arnold often argued, both temperate and at times nearly coming to blows, mainly over daily rations, both were self-assured and forceful characters who developed a bond of respect for each other’s abilities as born leaders and fighters. On November 13, 1775, Morgan and his men were the first to cross the St. Lawrence River and reconnoiter the approaches to Quebec, quickly discovering that the fortress was too strongly defended. Any attack had to wait for General Richard Montgomery’s forces. Washington’s plan to take Canada called for a two-prong attack with Montgomery’s men approaching Canada by way of Lake Champlain. They had successfully dislodged the British from the forts along the Richelieu River and had laid siege to Montreal before they could assist Arnold’s attack on Quebec.
Battle of Quebec
On December 1, 1775, Montgomery arrived outside Quebec. His addition had raised the number of American troops to around 1,200. Governor General Guy Carleton had a similar number of British regular and Canadian troops within the fortress. The Americans demanded Carleton’s surrender which was promptly declined. Montgomery and Arnold faced a dilemma in that by December 31, most of their men’s enlistments were up and would go home. If they were to take Quebec, they needed to do so before the end of the month. On December 10th, the siege began with both sides opening up with artillery. Montgomery, knowing his forces were inadequate to make a frontal assault, decided to attack at night and during a snow storm. The first opportunity occurred on the 27th, but had to be called off. With no time left, and with the seemingly promise of snow, the attack was launched on the night and early morning of December 31st.
The Americans split up into three divisions, two to make the attack and one held in reserve to support either. The two assaulting columns skirted the walled city from both the north and south to attack the lower town simultaneously. Montgomery assaulted the city from the south along the St. Lawrence and Arnold, with Morgan second in command, attacked from the north, approaching along the St. Charles River. By the time the attack started, the snow storm turned into a full-scale blizzard resulting in visual and communications near zero. Montgomery’s forces were able to get past barricades and into the town, but at a critical moment, he and several others with him were cut down and killed by grape from cannon. Without Montgomery’s leadership, his attack quickly faded. Arnold, not knowing Montgomery’s fate, pressed on. His artillery could not be brought up and just as he was about to scale the walls into the lower part of town, a bullet ricocheted and he was severely wounded in the leg and had to be taken from the field. This left Morgan in command to continue the fight and he soon proved his meddle.
Morgan promptly scaled a ladder over the first barricade and was knocked down on his first attempt. On his second try, he made it to the top and rolled under one of the cannons to avoid the thrust of bayonets. The rest of his men followed and after a few minutes of desperate struggle, the defenders surrendered. At that stage, Morgan’s loss was minimal, one dead and six wounded. However, they faced challenges advancing through the narrow twisting streets while trying to control thirty prisoners, plus their power was too wet to fire. Though Morgan implored his men to advance, he was forced to wait for additional forces to come up, leading to a thirty-minute delay. This hesitation proved to be their undoing. With Montgomery defeated, Carleton could concentrate his forces on the lower town. The lull in fighting allowed the Royal Highlanders and the militia to enter the houses along the American route while the British soldiers formed a double line behind a twelve-foot barrier. Once Morgan resumed the attack, his advance was soon blocked by approximately fifty sailors led by one named Anderson. Anderson demanded the American’s surrender and Morgan promptly shot him dead. The sailors scattered and the rebels surged forward, led by Morgan. As they approached this second barricade, the Royal Highlanders and militia rained shot down upon them. Morgan’s men began to take serious casualties. Despite this, Morgan ordered ladders laid against the barricade, but their attempts to scale it were beaten back. An attempt to outflank the barricade by going through one of the houses was met with a savage hand to hand fight, there too the Americans were repelled back. Under increasing heavy fire and losing men, Morgan ordered his force into the houses.
During this time, a British force of five hundred men, including the famed Royal Highlanders, led by Captain George Laws, reoccupied the first barricade, trapping Morgan and his men in the city. Captain Henry Dearborn, who was in reserve and coming to aid Morgan, was confronted by this force. Dearborn’s men’s powder was damp and their weapons would not fire. They were forced to surrender and Laws turned back on Morgan. Morgan refused to give up and attempted to break out, actually capturing Laws in one such attempt. As the Americans continued the fight, one by one, their ammunition ran out and they were forced to give up. Morgan was the last, giving up to a Catholic priest who had been sent under a flag of truce to ask for the stubborn Virginian’s surrender. By 10 AM, the battle was over. The Americans lost over four hundred men including their finest officers in either killed, wounded, or captured. The British and Canadian loss was only twenty killed.
Capture and Release
Perhaps due to Morgan’s bravery and obstinate resistance to the very end, General Carleton was very kind to his enemy. Morgan was soon after invited to dinner and later imprisoned in a comfortable seminary. Three months later, a plot to escape among the prisoners was discovered by the British, upon which the Americans were clapped in irons and thrown into the old Dauphin jail for four months. On August 7, Carleton capitulated to Morgan’s request that he be released on parole to await exchange and on August 11, 1776, he set sail for home. When the ship landed at Elizabethtown Point, New Jersey, Morgan met with Washington in New York before heading to his family at Winchester. During his parole, towards the end of 1776, Morgan learned, due to his actions at Quebec, that Congress awarded him with a commission as colonel of the 11th Virginia Regiment. In January, 1777, Morgan was officially exchanged and immediately set about recruiting his regiment. Having raised a hand-picked force of one hundred and eighty men, among the best riflemen throughout the region, Morgan reached Washington’s camp at Morristown, New Jersey around the beginning of April, 1777.
With Washington & Battles of Saratoga
Washington, well aware of Morgan’s abilities, used his rifle corps as light infantry to harass British foragers and patrols throughout New Jersey. By late summer, the Americans faced a major threat in northern New York as British General John Burgoyne invaded from Canada with the intention of seizing the Hudson River, thus dividing New England from the rest of the colonies. Major General Horatio Gates was dispatched to organize and lead the American resistance, and Colonel Morgan with his rifle corps accompanied him by special request. On August 16, 1777, Colonel Morgan marched north to join the Northern Army near Stillwater, in which General Gates had lately resumed command from General Philip Schuyler. General Washington wrote to New York Governor George Clinton that “I expect the most eminent services” of the now five hundred handpicked riflemen making up Morgan’s unit. Morgan was about to live up to the general’s expectation and more so.
Battle of Freeman, September 19, 1777
British General ‘Johnny’ Burgoyne had slowly made his way south along Lake Champlain and by mid-September, had stalled in his approach to Albany – his goal in hoping to team up with British Supreme Commander General William Howe. He still held out hope that Howe, or his second in command, General Henry Clinton, was progressing north up the Hudson (Howe had abandoned Burgoyne for his own desire to capture Philadelphia and Clinton only captured two forts before returning to New York City). By the time Morgan arrived, Burgoyne, his supply line stretched to its limit and with the prospect of winter, was desperate to push General Gates army aside to reach Albany. A major clash of arms was inevitable. Gates had divided his army into two divisions, the right, he commanded personally in the absence of General Lincoln, and the left under Major General Benedict Arnold. Arnold’s command included brigades by General Ebenezer Learned and Enoch Poor’s Continentals with Major Henry Dearborn’s unit (Dearborn having been exchanged) and Colonel Daniel Morgan’s riflemen.
When Burgoyne pressed forward to attack, Arnold was keen to take the offensive and head out to meet him. Gates was insistent to remain behind his defenses and allow Burgoyne to assault his lines. Gates begrudgedly agreed to Arnold’s argument to do something and sent Morgan forward, assisted by Dearborn, to attack the enemy’s left, led by British General Simon Fraser. Morgan came upon Freeman’s Farm, a large clearing amidst the tangled forests, before the British could make the field and quickly hid his men in the woods. When the British showed themselves, Morgan’s men released a devastating fire that tore into the redcoats. Seeing the British retreat, Morgan’s men raced after them for the kill and ran headlong into a massed British line. At that same moment, Captain Alexander Fraser’s light infantry burst into the clearing with cannon and hit Morgan’s men squarely on their left flank. The result was devastating. It was reported that Morgan was in tears as he called back his shattered men, thinking his corps was ruined. Meanwhile, Gates had ordered Enoch Poor’s brigade of New Hampshire to dispatch men in support of Morgan. Around nine hundred men rushed forward, hoping to flank the enemy. Soon after, Benedict Arnold was seen in the forefront, positioning the men and sending others forward. More and more British and Americans made the field and for three quarters of an hour the battle raged before an eerie silence fell over the farm, with the bodies of rebels and redcoats scattered all about.
For two hours men baked in a hot mid-day sun as they continued to gather in the woods on either side of the farm’s clearing. But for the rustle of leaves by shadowy figures darting between trees, a surreal silence fell, only to be shattered by the cries of the wounded, begging for water or someone to put an end to their suffering. At three-forty, as recorded by Reverend Enos Hitchcock, the front exploded once more. For two hellish hours, Colonel Alexander Scammell and his men fought alongside Morgan and Dearborn. General Poor arrived with the rest of his brigade followed by Learned’s command and Major William Hull’s Massachusetts men. And through all this mayhem, rode General Arnold. With his usual recklessness he “acted like a mad man,” directing units, pressing men forward and driving the men forward to take the enemy’s cannon.
As the fight raged, Burgoyne and Gates were both so worried as to what the other might do next, that neither committed their entire armies. Gates would not support his men at Freeman’s Farm, fearing the Germans with artillery were still advancing up the road. Burgoyne in turn kept most of Fraser’s force in reserve up on the heights to the west, fearing a flank attack from that direction. Because of that, only a couple companies of the 24th, the grenadiers and light infantry from Fraser’s force, saw major action. The result was that the entire battle was concentrated in the center. For three hours or more, the fight continued, soldiers shooting as fast as they could load until the air throbbed with the concussions. At one point, towards dusk, the British 62nd, having suffered nearly 200 killed or wounded, was overrun by rebels and the entire British center was under the threat of being rolled up. At that critical moment Major General Phillips arrived on the eastern edge of Freeman’s farm with the 20th regiment of foot, just 100 yards from the surge of Americans. He kept the Americans at bay, allowing four heavy cannon to come up and blast away, halting the rebel momentum. Morgan and the other Americans finally withdrew at nightfall and the British were left with the field of contention. However, the redcoats had suffered a large loss of men they could not hope to replenish whereas the American losses were readily replaced with additional forces coming up from New England. Morgan’s until suffered dearly, but were far from fatal and his corps would play another major role in the second Battle of Saratoga at Bemis Heights.
Bemis Heights, Oct. 7, 1777
By October, Burgoyne was desperate to push aside Gate’s force. He knew the next confrontation was his last hope to do so. He divided his men into three divisions, but once more, failed to commit his entire army into the fight. The right, commanded by General Simon Fraser, included Fraser nephew’s advance party, Fraser’s own 24th regiment, and Balcarres light infantry. The center was led by General Friedrich Adolf Riedesel with the Brunswick soldiers plus jaegers. The left consisted of British grenadiers commanded by Major Acland. American scouts sent back word on their enemy’s progress from the time they advanced forward. When the British arrived the Barber wheat field, American Colonel James Wilkinson reached a point in the woods where he could safely watch from about 1,000 feet. He quickly returned to headquarters to report. Gates supposedly said “Well then, order on Morgan to begin the game.” Once more, Gates kept most of his troops within the Bemis Heights’ defenses. Arnold pressed for a full and immediate attack. He and Gates had reached an impasse with Gates ordering the combative general to his quarters. Only Morgan was sent out to probe the enemy’s strength. Gates eventually agreed to send Poor’s brigade to attack the British left while Morgan circled to their right. When the two hit the British from both sides, having moved quietly through the woods to position, Learned’s brigade was to attack the enemy’s center.
About 3:00 PM, a large body of Americans appeared in the woods on the British left – Poor’s New Hampshire Brigade, and they were immediately shelled. Major Acland’s grenadiers held the British left and fired a volley. Before they could rush with bayonets, the Americans exploded from the woods, firing and charging, mowing down the grenadiers. Acland was hit in both legs and carried from the field, eventually to be captured by the rapidly advancing Americans. Rebels pursued the enemy with vigor, jumping over and around the dead and wounded. The grenadier continued to pull back towards their center. Morgan’s men heard the initial British volley on the British left, but they were not yet in position, their route to the British right having been longer. Just as Poor’s men charged the grenadier, Morgan’s men burst from their cover and “poured down like a torrent from the hill,” hitting Frasers’ division made up of Balcarres’ command on the front and right flank. At that moment, Dearborn’s light infantry, who had supported Morgan, swept in from the rear. Balcarres’ men immediately broke and ran. They were hotly pursued by the Americans for three quarters of a mile. Fraser ignored the intense firing and rode among his men to rally them. The 24th tried to bolster Balcarres men to reform, but Morgan and Dearborn’s forces charged like crazed lunatics. Fraser’s men could not hold them off, and headed back to their defensive line near Freeman’s Farm labeled Balcarres’ redoubt.
At that stage of the battle, Learned’s men assaulted the British center with Benedict Arnold at their lead. He had ignored Gates orders and hastened to the crash of arms. Arnold’s Connecticut men slammed against the enemy’s center; however, the Germans had no intention of giving way. Only when Morgan and Dearborn drove back Balcarres’ troops, exposing the Germans to the possibility of being surrounded, did the Germans slowly withdraw. Simon Fraser was conspicuously visible throughout the battle. Mounted on his grey horse, he rode back and forth across the field while calmly reassuring the light infantry and his own 24th Regiment. By his dominating personality alone, he was rallying the fleeing troops to stop and regroup – reforming the British right into a new line that could possibly halt the American momentum. History recorded romantically that Arnold suggested to Morgan that one of his sharpshooters needed to get rid of the officer on the gray horse, even naming Fraser as the one to be targeted. Legend states that Tim Murphy, an experienced Indian fighter whose skill with the double-barreled rifle was well known, climbed a tree and took aim. He was supposed to have fired all three shots, the last finding its mark, doubling the Scotsman over. Morgan’s exact words to his riflemen is also of lore: “That gallant officer is General Fraser; I admire and respect him, but it is necessary that he should die, take your stations in that wood and do your duty.” General Fraser would perish of his wounds by the next morning and was buried in a grave lost to history. With Fraser dead, the heart went out of the British forces. The battle soon ended and so did Burgoyne’s plans to split the colonies in half.
After Saratoga Rejoins Washington, Resigns on June 30, 1779
Within days of his defeat at Bemis Heights, General Burgoyne sued for peace and accepted Gates terms, surrendering his entire army. It has been romantically recorded that when Burgoyne was introduced to Morgan, he seized him by the hand and exclaimed, “My dear sir, you command the finest regiment in the world.” Gates, who never took part in either battle, officially took all the credit for the victory. He filed his report to Washington and Congress that neither included Arnold nor Morgan, denying them the credit they so soundly deserved. Evidence indicates (early biographies) that Morgan’s friendship with Gates had been strained for a time when he refused to support Gates in his efforts to supplant Washington as Commander-in-Chief. Morgan continued to praise Arnold for how gallantly he rallied the troops and pressed the attack in both victories, including their association in the trek across Maine. Long after Arnold’s treason, Morgan continued to comment positively on Arnold’s abilities as a soldier and warrior and spoke fondly of him.
After Saratoga, on November 18, 1777, Morgan’s unit rejoined Washington’s main army, near Philadelphia. In late December, Washington moved his army to Valley Forge, where they endured the bitter winter of 1777-1778. Morgan and his 11th Regiment was placed on the west side of the Schuylkill River and scouted for the army, often engaged in ‘Indian-style fighting’ with British patrols and foraging parties. When British General William Howe abandoned Philadelphia in June of 1778 and retreated his army across New Jersey, Washington followed cautiously. Colonel Morgan missed the Battle of Monmouth Courthouse, New Jersey on June 28, 1778, because Maj. General Charles Lee failed to keep him informed of the main army’s movements. Morgan’s riflemen, the 11th, was part of General William Woodford’s Brigade which also included the Virginia 7th under Colonel McClanachan. Woodford became ill and for a time, Morgan took over command of both the 7th and 11th, handling the job as brigadier. With Howe’s main army back in New York City, Morgan continued to harass supply lines, foraging party, and provided Washington with important scouting information.
Throughout this period, Morgan became increasingly dissatisfied with the army and Congress. Once war was declared, he had not been politically active, nor cultivated a relationship with Congress. As a result, he was repeatedly passed over for promotion to brigadier, favor going to men with less combat experience but with better political connections. Having proven himself time and again in battle and having run a brigade successfully, he felt his accomplishments had earned him a promotion and a larger command. A special brigade was forming of light infantry and Morgan believed strongly that he should be given its command as brigadier general. According to historian Higginbotham, Morgan did not get the command because Brigadier General Anthony Wayne had been replaced as commander of the Pennsylvania Line and threatened to resign if not given this new command. There was another factor that worked against Morgan’s promotion to brigadier; Virginia had already filled their quota of brigadiers and the standing policy observed by Congress was that a state could only have as many brigadier generals as units supplied by that state.
Colonel Morgan was reassigned to the Virginia 7th on September 14, 1778, leaving Colonel Abraham Buford in charge of his 11th that he had led successfully at Saratoga. He would officially lead this regiment until October 13th, 1780. However, by mid-summer of 1779, Morgan had had enough. To compound this, his legs and back aggravated him from all the years of abuse he put it through campaigning in countless military operations, most particularly the long and grueling trek through the Maine wilderness during the fall and winter of 1775. He tendered his resignation on July 18, 1779. Congress refused to accept and instead granted him a furlough to go home; basically, figuring that he just needed some time off and would be of use later in the war. Morgan accepted and as far as he was concerned, he was done with the war and retired back to his family in Winchester, Virginia.
Returns to Active Duty
Morgan had returned to Virginia and spent the winter and spring settling into his former life, but it was not to be for long. On May 7, 1780, Congress ordered Morgan to join General Horatio Gates in June. Though they had their differences since the campaign and Battle of Saratoga, Gates knew of Morgan’s abilities and wrote to him, urging him to reenter the service. He offered Morgan a regiment in his new command, the Southern Department. Major General Benjamin Lincoln had previously surrendered the southern army at Charleston, South Carolina, and the British fanned out over the south, capturing territory and gradually pushing north, jeopardizing Virginia and beyond in the hope of collapsing the rebellion. Gates was being sent to reorganize the remnants of the southern army and check British General Charles Cornwallis. Morgan refused. He felt that being outranked by so many militia officers would limit his usefulness. Besides, he was now in great pain from sciatica, which had worsened the past year. Morgan’s obstinate position changed once he heard of Gates disastrous defeat at the Battle of Camden, South Carolina, August 16, 1780. This defeat left the south wide open to British conquest. Morgan supposedly declared that this was no time to let personal considerations have any weight and by September, was on the road to join what remained of Gate’s command at Hillsborough, North Carolina.
Battle of Cowpens, January 17, 1781 – His most Memorable Achievement
Though in poor health and continual pain, Morgan arrived at Gate’s camp in Hillsborough on October 2nd, 1780, accompanied only by a few recruits anxious to serve with him. The state of the Southern Army after Camden was dire. What was left of the infantry and been formed into two battalions constituting one regiment: The regiment was commanded by Colonel Otho Holland Williams of Maryland and Lt. Col. John Edgar Howard with Majors Henry Hardman and Robert Anderson commanding the battalions. The artillery corps was annihilated with a couple of brass and a few field pieces remaining placed under the command of Captain Anthony Singleton. The remnants of Abraham Buford’s and Robert Porterfield’s corps were joined a small body of raw recruits totaling around 350 men, the entire Virginia Line that was left. The whole body of men at General Gates command totaled 1,400 men. The remains of Colonels Anthony Walton White’s and Lt. Colonel William Washington’s regiments of cavalry, around seventy total, were to arrive in a few days giving Gates some mobile capacity. They were to be arranged into one corps under Lt. Colonel Washington. North Carolina had been quick to respond after the disaster and had been actively recruiting a large body of militia, including provisions, that was already assembling at Hillsborough.
The North Carolina militia was to be under the command of General William Smallwood, however Gates offered this to Morgan who refused. Gates had begun reorganizing his little army and had set about forming a battalion of handpicked light infantry out of the ranks of the regular army. The command of which was given to Lt. Colonel Howard. A company of riflemen under Captain Rose was added including the corps of cavalry under Lt. Colonel William Washington, General Washington’s nephew. Shortly after Morgan’s arrival, Gates offered the overall command of this small corps to Morgan who accepted. So too, Congress finally realized the importance Morgan was to the war effort and on Oct. 13th, 1780, they promoted him to brigadier. Morgan immediately kept himself and his corps busy. He soon learned that Loyalist parties were detached from their posts at Winnsborough and Camden and had been intercepting rebel supply trains in the Lynches Creek region. He was given permission by Gates to escort patriot supply wagons. Morgan’s total force at that time consisted of only three hundred infantry and eighty cavalry under Lt. Col. Washington.
After Camden, the last of the American forces had been driven out of South Carolina. The British army took post in three divisions near its northern boundary, the main body, under General Cornwallis remained at Camden; Colonel Tarleton’s legion was stationed at Winnsborough, and Major Patrick Ferguson’s brigade of Provincial Loyalist troops was at Ninety-six; Winnsborough was roughly half way between Camden and Ninety-six. Once the necessary supplies had been obtained, including an additional force of four thousand reinforcements under General Leslie arrived, sent south from New York by Clinton, the three divisions would move north with the goal of uniting at Charlotte and proceeding to the interior of North Carolina. Disaster soon struck British plans to press north. On October 7, 1780, a large body of patriots from North Carolina, Virginia, and east Tennessee (called over the mountain men) caught up with Major Patrick Ferguson’s Provincial loyalists at Kings Mountain, North Carolina. The Tory force was demolished and Major Ferguson killed, basically wiping out a third of Cornwallis’ force and destroying any hope the British had of recruiting a large army of southern loyalists to fight for the crown.
From the time Morgan assumed command of his light infantry and cavalry, he had orders from Gates to scout and campaign between the region of Camden, South Carolina to Charlotte, North Carolina. Morgan eventually arrived at Charlotte on December 3, 1780 where forging and raiding occupied their time until the end of the year. By then, Congress had seen their error in assigning Gates the command of the Southern Army, and lastly took General Washington’s advice and offered the leadership to General Nathanael Greene. Morgan was greeted by Greene at Charlotte and the astute commander soon put Morgan’s talents to good use.[4] After the very capable Green took over command, he split the small Southern Army in two, this to annoy and keep the enemy busy while building up his small army. He sent General Morgan southwest into South Carolina to the Catawba River to cut the supply lines and hamper British operations in the back country and so too to ‘spirit up the people’ by cooperating with frontier militia. Morgan was also to avoid a direct action with the enemy that could destroy his force. On December 21, 1780, he left Charlotte in command of a little over six hundred men.
Lord Cornwallis was keen to protect his communications and supply lines with the interior posts and decided to eradicate Morgan’s command. He sent the very enterprising Lt. Colonel Banastre Tarleton, known for his ruthless and brutal dealings with ‘rebel riffraff’, along with his 1,076 man legion of crack light infantry and cavalry, to intercept and destroy Morgan. This played right into Morgan’s hands. The astute backwoodsman spent the next three weeks playing a cat and mouse game with Tarleton, wearing out the aristocrat’s troops while infuriating him in hopes that the overconfident commander would make a rash move. Morgan had, within his command, officers who had come up against Tarleton before. He learned of the youthful leader’s tendency for a quick frontal charge and that the British, as a whole, had very low expectations for patriot militia. During this three-week period, Morgan had been joined by militia forces under Colonel Andrew Pickens bringing his numbers nearly equal to that of Tarleton.
Morgan decided to allow Tarleton catch him and picked his site carefully. He chose a grazing ground called Cowpens because of its gradual slope uphill with the Broad River on his left flank and woods on the right, creating an open and relatively narrow killing field that fit nicely into his battle plans. He gradually pulled back from Tarleton, and arrived at Cowpens the night before. While Morgan’s men encamped on the battleground and had a full night’s sleep and full belly of food, Tarleton drove his troops forward throughout the night, arriving footsore, exhausted, and hungry. The morning of the battle, Morgan positioned his men then had them sit down and rest while they calmly waited for the enemy to come up.
The night before the battle, Morgan had personally visited each campfire, encouraging the men and showing his back and telling them the story of his 499 lashes, and that King Georgie owed him one more, but that it would never be collected as they would give Tarleton’s Legion their own good whipping. He also enacted his plan of pure genius, one that General Greene would borrow from at the Battle Guilford Court House. He told the militia that he would put them up front. That they were to give the enemy two good volleys then get the hell out of the way. Run like the devil, but when they pasted the ranks of Continental light infantry, posted 150 yards behind which included the remnants of Delaware and Maryland troops, every one battle hardened and the best American had under arms, to pull up behind and reform.
Out front of the militia, commanded by Colonel Andrew Pickens, Morgan placed his rifle from North Carolina and Georgia. The ground pitched down from the Americans forcing the British to slog up the long slope. It was also open for several hundred yards, offering the riflemen a clean shot from a few hundred yards out. Because rifles took longer to reload, they cleared out when the enemy came in range of the militia’s muskets. The militia, commanded by Colonels Cunningham and McDowell, easily got off their two volleys before, as ordered, they turned tail and sprinted up the hill. Formed as they were, Tarleton’s men would not be able to see the regular troops assembled in ranks behind the militia, commanded by Morgan and Howard, until they were well upon them. And behind the regular troops, hidden from the enemy, were Washington’s cavalry, ready to swoop down once the regulars were fully engaged. So too, once the regular troops opened up on the advancing British, the militia were to advance on the British flank and open up with. To reassure the nervous troops, Morgan drew up his forces before a wide swath of woods to his rear so that if disaster struck, the men could quickly take to the forest and disappear in the foliage.
Tarleton’s troops were drawn up in two lines: the first was flanked by two company of horse dragoons with portions of light infantry and partician legions up front, the second line consisted of cavalry and regular reserves. Therefore, Tarleton put most of his men and his most experienced on the first line of attack, expecting to drive the Americans from the field on the first opening volley’s and charge. Tarleton must have been overjoyed to see Morgan had placed his militia out front and ordered his hardened veterans to advance. The riflemen opened up at over two hundred yards and began to pick off British redcoats. Once the British began to approach the range of muskets, so too did the rest of Pickens militia join in. After the second volley, the militia broke. Tarleton saw this as the beginning of a rout similar to what had happened at Camden last August, when the militia fled the field, leaving the regular troops vastly outnumbered. He quickly ordered a bayonet attack.
As the militia approached the regulars, they veered off to either side, allowing the regulars a clean shot. The ranks of regulars opened up a devastating volley on the disorganized British, caught in the midst of their charge. But these were among the best in the British army, and the redcoats surged forward, confident they could break up the smaller number of Continental troops and allow the mounted dragoons to finish them off. The American regulars, as planned, began to step back in a gradual retreat, but continued to reload and fire into the approaching British. This gave the militia time to regroup. Suddenly, the militia, who Tarleton thought had cleared the field, swept forward in a great semicircle around the Howard’s Continental troop’s right and attacked the British left flank. Simultaneously, Lt. Colonel Washington’s mounted troops drove down hard from Howard’s left and charged upon the enemy’s right flank. At the same time, the Continentals loosened another volley and at then screaming loud enough to drive the devil out of hell, charged forward as one, leveling their deadly seventeen-inch bayonets. The result was overwhelming and catastrophic for the British. Terribly entrapped, with shot pouring in from the flanks and facing a crushing bayonet charge – shocked and disheartened, most of the British threw down their arms and surrendered, while the remainder were scattered in flight and run down by Washington’s cavalry; a just revenge as Tarleton’s dragoons had driven down fleeing rebels at Camden.
Tarleton’s Legion ceased to exist. He lost 110 killed, 120 wounded (many left on the battlefield) and 830 captured including two field-pieces and 1,000 stand of arms. Their loss was nearly equal to the number of American forces engaged. Only 270 would escape, Tarleton among them after a furious single exchange of swords with Lt. Colonel Washington. The American loss was astonishing in that only 12 were killed and sixty-one wounded. It was a crippling blow to Cornwallis, for within six months, he had lost nearly two thirds of his force in two devastating actions. But more so, Cowpens deprived him of most of Tarleton’s legion and all of his most effective veteran force – his light infantry. The only road by which Morgan could rejoin Greene lay northward across the fords of the Catawba, and Cornwallis was nearer than himself to these fords. By skillful maneuvers, Morgan reached the river first and crossed it, keeping his force whole to return to Greene in North Carolina.
For his actions at Cowpens, the Virginia legislature granted Morgan land and an estate that had been abandoned by a Tory. But by the time Morgan reached Greene in North Carolina, he was in tremendous pain. The damp chill of a winter campaign had aggravated his rheumatism to the point that he was obliged to quit and on February 10, 1781, he once more returned to his Virginia farm. By June, he had sufficiently recovered to return to active duty and commanded the troops that suppressed Claypool’s Loyalist insurrection in the Shenandoah Valley. He then reported to Lafayette at his headquarters near Jamestown on July 7th, and was put in command of all the light troops and cavalry in the young general’s army. He, along with General Anthony Wayne, pursued Tarleton throughout Virginia, but before the campaign was completed, by August, he was once more attacked so severely with pain that he had to quit and go home.
After the War
For the next thirteen years, Daniel Morgan led a quiet life upon his estate. He became wealthy and entertained many eminent guests. It was reported that in spite of the defects of his early education, he proved instructive and charming. In 1782, he built another house which he named ‘Saratoga’. Though Abagail was instrumental in persuading Morgan to be more pious and curtail his earlier roughness, he was still a womanizer, fathering another illegitimate son, Willoughby Morgan in 1785 about whom he never spoke. On March 25, 1790, Morgan finally received a gold medal that had been struck by Congress in recognition of his victory at Cowpens. In 1794, he returned to active duty as Major General, leading an army of militia against protesters in western Pennsylvania. He and his men never saw action during the ‘Whiskey Rebellion’; their mere presence quickly put an end to the short-lived revolt. In 1795, he failed in his bid to Congress. Two years later he tried again and was successful, winning a term in the House or Representatives on the Federalist ticket. He was too ill to run for reelection in 1799 and once more returned home. This time for good.
Death and Legacy
In 1801, Morgan signed his final will and testament, which was later probated in September of 1802. As Morgan approached his end, his physician. Dr. Conrad, told him to settle his affairs. Morgan replied, “Doctor, if I could be the man I was when I was 21 years of age [1757], I would be willing to be stripped stark naked on the top of the Allegheny Mountains to run for my Life with the hounds of death at my heels.” He died with his family and friends at his side on July 7, 1802.
In the procession that escorted his remains to the tomb were seven members of the rifle company he had led to Boston in 1775. His grave is in the Presbyterian burying-ground at Winchester, Virginia, and was marked by a horizontal slab. In 1865, at the end of the Civil War, rumors spread that Yankees were going to dig up Morgan’s remains and bring him north to Pennsylvania. A group of prominent Winchester citizens, led by Colonel William R. Denny, gathered at Morgan’s grave and dug up his bones. The general was carried to the Mt. Hebron Cemetary in Winchester where he was re-interred.
“Daniel Morgan’s strength and endurance were remarkable, and in beauty of feature and expression he was equaled by few men of his time. His manners were quiet and refined, his bearing was noble, and his temper sweet, though his wrath was easily aroused by the sight of injustice. He was noted for truthfulness and candor, and throughout life his conduct was regulated by the most rigid code of honor.” Historians have given far more credit to far lesser Founding Fathers. His wild ways and stout-hearted courage that defied all obstacles to achieve success and ultimate victory in many ways have mirrored the image America has adopted for itself. Daniel Morgan was truly an amazing, larger than life personality whose presence during America’s infancy provided the leadership and perseverance to ensure a free democracy would survive the extreme test of arms and thrive as a new nation.
Reverend William Hill, first pastor of the Stone Presbyterian Church, to which Morgan belonged, became a close friend in the rifleman’s last years of his life. Hill preached a long and eloquent funeral oration. Among his words were these that ring true to this day: “He was the complete soldier. I think we may venture to assert, that he has not left another behind him to whom we are so much indebted for our independence and liberty.”
Check out this short video on General Daniel Morgan’s Life
Want to Read More About Daniel Morgan and Early America, Check Out These Free Previews of Great Books on Amazon
For Fun – 1000 Piece Jig-Saw Puzzle Featuring Daniel Morgan and the Battle of Cowpens
Further Reading in Revolutionary War Journal
Brigadier Simon Fraser and the Battle of Saratoga
Rifles in the American Revolution
Muskets & Rifles of the American Revolution: Difference and Tactics
Forgotten Warriors of the American Revolution: Major Benjamin Whitcomb of ‘Whitcomb’s Rangers’
SOURCES
Callahan, North. Daniel Morgan, Ranger of the Revolution. 1961: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, New York, NY.
Folsom, Joseph F. General Daniel Morgan’s Birthplace and Life. New Jersey Historical Society, Proceedings, New Ser. 14 (1929), pp 277-91.
Frassett, James. Daniel Morgan – The Early Years. Reprint from Vol. 3, Issue 4 of the Lock Stock and Barrel Living History Newsletter and Event Calendar, 2000.
Graham, James. The Life of General Daniel Morgan of the Virginia Line of the United States… 1859: Derby & Jackson, New York, NY.
Heitman, Francis B. Historical Register of Officers of the Continental Army During the War of the Revolution. 1914: The Rare Book Shop Publishing Company, Inc., Washington DC.
Higginbotham, Dan. Daniel Morgan Revolutionary Rifleman. 1961: University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, NC.
Ketchum, Richard M. Saratoga: Turning Point of America’s Revolutionary War. 1997: Henry Holt & Company, New York, NY.
Morgan, Richard L. Ph.D. General Daniel Morgan: Reconsidered Hero. 2001: Burke County Historical Society, Morgantown, North Carolina.
Roberts, Kenneth. The Battle of Cowpens: The Great Morale Builder. 1958: Doubleday, New York, NY.
Zambone, Albert Louis. Daniel Morgan: A Revolutionary Life. 2018: Westholme Publishing, Yardley, PA.
ENDNOTES
[1] General Daniel Morgan’s Birthplace & Life. New Jersey Historical Society Proceedings, pp 277-280.
[2] With the collapse of Indian support, the French abandoned and burnt Ft. Duquesne as Forbes was preparing to attack. On Nov. 28, 1758, he entered the burned-out fort and ordered it rebuilt naming it Fort Pitt, after British Secretary of State William Pitt the Elder. The surrounding area he named Pittsburg which has grown to a large, industrial city. Forbes was in poor health and soon after left the fort in command of Colonel Hugh Mercer (later General Mercer in Washington’s army) and departed for Philadelphia where he died on March 11, 1759 and is buried in the Christ Church.
[3] According to Mary Morris, archivist at the Clarke County Historical Society, land records indicate that Daruel Morgan purchased “Soldier’s Rest” and sold it in two months, apparently as surety for a debt. Morgan may well have lived at this location, but as a renter, not an owner.
[4] Greene called Morgan’s force the Flying Army. “I give this army the name of a Flying Army; and whilst its numbers are so small, and the enemy so much superior, it must be literally so; for they can make no opposition of consequence.” Greene in a letter to Lafayette, December 29, 1780.