The number of African American soldiers who stood beside their patriot white comrades in arms during the American Revolutionary War has frequently been dismissed as unimpressive or inconsequential. An incorrect argument can be made to support such an opinion when taking the total number of soldiers who fought the entire war and factoring the ratio of blacks to whites. But few soldiers were under arms for the entire war, far from it. And there was a difference, in many cases a major difference between the average length of service between whites and blacks. A closer study gives evidence that the percentage of black to white soldiers who were under arms was actually much higher than thought, at times up to five times greater than what we’ve learned or been told! This article supports the notion that African Americans were not lightly spread out over white regiments, but by their numbers within the ranks at any one time, proved to be a fighting force of far more importance than what history has allotted. When one considers the number of black soldiers who ultimately fought for the American cause, that number was larger than the total number of troops left to General Washington that cold, 1776 December night in Trenton when his army attacked and changed the course of history.
Black soldiers were not segregated as in later wars.[1] By examining sample troop returns, especially as the war progressed, and factors that affected the black soldier’s service record, evidence supports a larger black percentage in relation to whites in the regimental ranks. So much so that when an American officer at Valley Forge in 1778 gazed out over his regiment during the bleak months of winter, he saw, on average, nearly 11% of those facing him to be of African descent. In some brigades at Valley Forge, February returns showed much higher percentages, such as Brigadier General Peter Muhlenberg’s Brigade of Virginians who boasted 98 African Americans in their ranks – 26% or one in every four soldiers mustered to attention in February would have been black. And even more so, General John Patterson’s Massachusetts Brigade, who had 89 African Americans under arms – 34% or one in every three would have stood at an icy roll call. And when the ranks swelled with the return of ‘sunshine soldiers’ prior to the 1778 summer campaign, troop returns reflected on average over a 6% black to white soldier ratio – four times more than a calculation from total end of war figures.
This was the black presence. A photo shot of the American Army taken at one moment, rarely represented in historical paintings or textbooks. An important factor that contributed to a larger black presence throughout the war was for the most part, the African American stayed on, month after month, year after year. White soldiers often enlisted for a limited time and more often did not reenlist; large numbers did so for only three months before going home to their farms. Frequent furloughs and large scale desertions also reduced white soldier’s ranks, particularly during lean times – not so often for the African American. This article will discuss the exclusion, followed by the general acceptance of the African American soldier within rebel ranks. Troop returns will be examined, comparisons made, and percentages calculated to provide evidence of a stronger black presence in American armies than established and accepted beliefs.
General George Washington, most of his generals, Provincial and State Legislatures, and Congress at first vehemently agreed that blacks should not be enlisted in an American army. Their opinions gradually gave way to consent though limited in scope. Factors that affected the number of black soldiers included British enlistments of African Americans, southern fears of arming slaves, and the state and local officials, including individual field commanders, seeking to fill the number of dwindling rank and file.
In May, 1775, shortly after the Battles of Lexington and Concord, in which a large number of African Americans responded to the militiamen’s call and fought beside whites, a Committee of Safety, of which John Hancock and Joseph Ward were members, met to discuss the use of African Americans in their newly forming armies. They reported to the Massachusetts Provincial Congress that the admission of any persons but freemen as soldiers would be inconsistent with the principles supported and would reflect dishonor on the colony. They urged that no slaves be admitted into the army under any consideration whatever. In July of that same year, shortly after General Washington took command of the army at Cambridge, he issued orders to recruiting officers prohibiting the enlistment of any African Americans.
Whether to enlist blacks was not limited to regional debates, becoming a topic under discussion throughout the colonies. It provoked the Continental Congress in September, 1775 to consider the issue. Edward Rutledge[2], of South Carolina, went so far as to draft a letter to Washington, the Commander-in-Chief, instructing him to discharge from the army all black soldiers, whether slave or free. Though Rutledge had the support of the southern delegation, he failed to secure a majority. As local officials and recruiters continued to struggle to fill the ranks of Continental troops, the topic reemerged among Washington’s generals. General Horatio Gates wrote that the Continental Army should not admit, “…any deserter from the ministerial army, nor any stroller, negro or vagabond.” On October 8th, 1775, Washington held a council of war in which the question of whether or not it would be advisable to enlist African Americans in the new army or “whether there be any distinction between such as are slaves and those who are free.” Present were Generals Ward, Lee, Putnam, Thomas[3], Spencer, Heath, Sullivan, Greene, and Gates[4]. It was unanimously agreed to reject all slaves and by a large majority to refuse African Americans altogether.
Just ten days after the generals expressed their majority view that African Americans be refused admission to their ranks, the question of enlisting blacks, especially such as were slaves,was considered by a Committee of Conference. The leaders of this council included Benjamin Franklin, Benjamin Harrison, Thomas Lynch, the Deputy Governors of Connecticut and Rhode Island, and the Committee of Council of Massachusetts Bay. The council agreed that there should be no black soldiers enlisted. To confirm the army’s position, General Washington issued a General Order on November 12, 1775. In it he declared that neither Negroes or boys and old men unable to bear arms, being unfit to endure fatigues of the campaign should not be enlisted. The newly formed states agreed with Washington, prohibiting the enlistment of blacks and included mulattos and Native Americans: lunatics, idiots, and blacks (in that order) were barred from joining the patriot cause.[5] This dogmatic decision was soon to erode by necessity and the fact that African American soldiers performed far beyond biased and preconceived prejudices.
Early in the conflict, the British saw the potential in recruiting African Americans, mainly to serve as pioneers doing manual labor such as driving wagons and hauling goods. Some took the matter a step further. As hostilities increased in Virginia, the Royal Governor John Murray, Lord Dunmore, issued a proclamation on November 7, 1775, calling upon African American slaves of rebel (patriotic) masters to join British forces. In an exchange for freedom they would take up arms against their oppressors. He outfitted a force of former slaves entitled the Ethiopian Brigade who fought at Kemp’s Landing[6] and the Battle of Great Bridge[7]. General Washington was quick to acknowledge this threat as the slave population in the south dwarfed the number of able bodied white men who could serve.
He called Lord Dunmore an arch-traitor who should be instantly crushed. He also hinted at seeing the logic behind the dethroned governor’s treachery, “but that which renders the measure indispensable necessary is the Negro, if he gets formidable numbers of them, will be tempted to join him.” By 1779, General Sir Henry Clinton, Commander-in-Chief of British Forces in America stated that every Negro who would desert the ‘Rebel Standard’ should have full security to follow within the British lines any occupation which he might think proper.[8] Throughout the war, the British would continue to encourage black participation as pioneers, and in some cases, within its ranks.
By war’s end, noted Boston patriot Timothy Ruggles wrote, “It has been computed by good judges, that between the years 1775 and 1783, the State of South Carolina lost 25,000 Negroes.” That would have been one fifth of all the slaves in the state and a little more than half as many as its entire white population. And that was but one state, for Georgia would ultimately forfeit over three quarters of its slave population as recruits to the British cause.
As noted, the American military soon changed their stance on the enlistment of African Americans once they observed black soldiers in action. Whether in the militia or as Continental Troops, black troopers proved to be hard working, loyal, and good fighters. They tended to remain in active service, re-enlisting even as white soldiers’ thirty day and ninety day enlistments expired and they chose to go home. Whole scale desertions of ‘sunshine’ soldiers’ quit the ranks to tend their farms and thinned the number of able bodied troops within the regiments. Not so for the African Americans, especially former slaves, many had no such commitments that drew them home. Also Congress had put pressure on the states to recruit specific numbers of fighting men. With the initial excitement of Lexington & Concord, as well as the Battle of Bunker Hill, dying down and the realization of the hardships of war, it became more difficult for regions to fulfill this demand. Naturally recruiters would try and fulfill their quotas by ignoring such details as freeman papers when recruiting African Americans.
Another reason the military reconsidered their firm stance on refusing African Americans in their ranks emerged when officers were informed that the free African Americans who had served in the ranks in New England were sorely displeased at their exclusion from the service. The possibility arose that they might quit and join the enemy. Just a month after his firm decision not to enlist any African Americans, Washington departed, late in 1775, from his established policy. He gave the recruiting officers leave to accept black recruits, promising to lay the matter before the Continental Congress, which he did not doubt would approve it. Upon the receipt of this communication, the matter was referred to a committee composed of Virginia delegate George Wythe, John Adams of Massachusetts and James Wilson, a delegate from Philadelphia, who recommended that free Negroes who had served faithfully in the army at Cambridge might be reenlisted but no others. In taking action on such communications thereafter the Continental Congress followed the policy of leaving the matter to the various States, which were then jealously mindful of their rights.[9]
Many of Washington’s subordinates had also softened their position on black soldiers. General Thomas thought well of Washington’s proposition or re-establishing free blacks to the army. He wrote to John Adams in late 1775, expressing his surprise that any prejudice against it should exist. In early 1776, Samuel Hopkins cried an alarm to prevent African Americans from turning against the rebels. In his opinion, the way to counteract blacks joining the British forces was not to restrain them by force, but by public acts which would set the slaves free and encourage them to labor and take up arms in defense of the American cause. Alexander Hamilton eloquently wrote that by “the dictates of humanity and true policy, slaves should be given their freedom with the swords to secure their fidelity, animate their courage, and influence those remaining in bondage by opening a door to their emancipation.” Later in the war General Nathaniel Greene had a change of heart from his earlier objections, urging that blacks be armed, having seen that they had made good soldiers. James Madison succinctly suggested that the slaves be liberated and armed, “It would certainly be consonant to the principles of liberty,” he said, “which ought never to be lost sight of in a contest for liberty.”
Lt. Colonel John Laurens[10], one of the early supporters of recruiting African Americans, in 1779 wrote, “I would advance those who are unjustly deprived of the rights of mankind to a state which would be a proper gradation between abject slavery and perfect liberty, and besides I am persuaded that if I could obtain authority for the purpose, I would have a corps of such men trained, uniformly clad, equipped and ready in every respect to act at the opening of the next campaign.”
So too the colonies began to look more favorably upon recruiting African Americans to states regiments, both freemen and slave. New England led the way with expanding numbers of African Americans fighting besides their white counterparts; Rhode Island would eventually enact an entire regiment of former slaves. A large flux of freed African Americans enlisted in Virginia’s regiments. But to the dismay of plantation owners, many slaves deserted their masters for the army. So much so, that the state enacted in 1777 a law providing that no Negro should be enlisted unless he had a certificate of freedom. That commonwealth, however, soon took another step toward greater recognition of the rights of African Americans who desired to be free so to help maintain ‘the honor of the State’. With the promise of freedom for military service, many slaves were sent to the army as substitutes for their masters.[11] When their enlistment was up, which in most cases was not until war’s end, they were to be given their freedom. Unfortunately, and most severely in Virginia, this did not always occur. Many were returned to slavery with some taking their master and the state to court to achieve their promised liberty.
Over time, it became harder to entice men to re-enlist and encourage new recruits. There was a growing need for the African American in the army. In 1778, General Varnum of Rhode Island convinced General Washington of the potential to enlist a battalion of black soldiers to fill the depleted ranks of his state. Rhode Island officers were sent back to their state with the preamble “history affords us frequent precedents of the wisest, freest, and bravest nations having liberated their slaves and enlisted them as soldiers to fight in defense of their country.” The Rhode Island Assembly resolved to raise a regiment of slaves, who were to be freed upon their enlistment, not when such enlistment expired. Their owners were to be paid by the state according to the valuation of a committee.
The 1st Rhode Island Regiment was formed and proved themselves admirably in action, most particularly during the Battles of Rhode Island and Yorktown. New Hampshire enlisted African Americans and gave to those who served three years the same bounty offered others. This bounty was turned over to their masters as the price of the slave in return for which their owner issued bills of sale and certificates of freedom for the former slave. Massachusetts, the later hotbed of abolitionists and Fredrick Douglass, did not do as well as their surrounding states. In 1778, a committee favored raising a regiment of African Americans, however it got bogged down in legalese and no further action was taken. Regardless, black men of Massachusetts enlisted for the state had a relatively high percentage of African Americans within its ranks.
Connecticut found recruiting difficult and raised their number of African American enlistees, as well as undertaking to raise a regiment of former slaves, which, unlike Rhode Island, did not come to fruition. In 1781, New York offered the usual land bounty to the masters of the slaves, promising freedom to the bondsmen who enlisted for three years. In 1780, Maryland stipulated that each unit of £16,000 of property should furnish one recruit who might either be a freeman or a slave. The next year they resolved to recruit 750 African Americans to be incorporated into the state’s regiments.
Below Virginia and Maryland, the idea of African American enlistment was met with stiff opposition. However, with the advent of invasion in 1779, they were compelled to consider the matter more seriously. The Continental Army did not have a strong southern presence. Three battalions of North Carolina militia, then on duty in the south consisted of drafts for nine months, which would expire before the end of the year. Alexander Hamilton and John Laurens of South Carolina, among others, called upon North and South Carolina to gravely consider recruiting and arming the large slave population present in both states. Congress passed a resolution complying with these recommendations[12] and Lt. Colonel Laurens traveled to South Carolina to present this to the legislative body. He faced a determined opposition by plantation aristocrats, “a measure of so threatening aspect and so offensive to that republican pride, which disdains to commit the defense of the country to servile bands or share with a color to which the idea of inferiority is inseparably connected, the profession of arms, and that approximation of condition which must exist between the regular soldier and the militiaman.”
Lt. Colonel Laurens appropriately expressed his frustration at having to deal with such senseless bigotry claiming he was “being opposed by a triple-headed monster that shed the baneful influence of avarice, prejudice, and pusillanimity in all our assemblies.” He tried again later, only to be confronted with the same wall of intolerance, however with some cracks, “It was some consolation to me, however, to find that philosophy and truth had made some little progress since my last effort, as I obtained twice as many suffrages as before.”
Washington, upon hearing of the results in the south, comforted his youthful and passionate friend. He wrote to him that he was not at all surprised, “as that spirit of freedom, which at the commencement of the Revolution would have sacrificed everything to the attainment of this object, had long since subsided, and every selfish passion had taken its place. It is not the public but the private interest, which influences the generality of mankind, nor can Americans any longer boast an exception. Under these circumstances it would have been rather surprising if you had succeeded.”[13]
However, Washington proved to be the master of “the middle ground,” holding his true thoughts close to heart while treading a path that stumbled onto both sides of an argument. While his views were certainly more enlightened than those of his fellow Virginians, his private beliefs provided little hope to the huge mass of chained and wretched humanity enduring the sufferings of a barbarian age in a country claiming its foundation on the virtues of freedom.[14] We see this brief insight into Washington’s truer sentiment when he seemed to counter his comforting thoughts to John Laurens, writing to Henry Laurens, John’s father:
“The policy of our arming slaves is in my opinion a moot point, unless the enemy set the example. For, should we begin to form Battalions of them, I have not the smallest doubt, if the war is to be prosecuted, of their following us in it, and justifying the measure upon our own ground. The contest then must be who can arm fastest, and where are our arms? Besides I am not clear that a discrimination will not render slavery more irksome to those who remain in it. Most of the good and evil things in this life are judged by comparison; and I fear a comparison in this case will be productive of much discontent in those, who are held in servitude. But, as this is a subject that has never employed much of my thoughts, these are no more than the first crude ideas that have struck me upon ye occasion.”
Benjamin Quarles’ pioneering study, The Negro in the American Revolution (1961) summed up the reversal of American thought towards enlisting African Americans: “In the main, the negro was thought of as a servile laborer rather than as a potential warrior. But when manpower needs became acute, whether in the volunteer forces, the militia, or the Continental troops, hesitancy and fears were put into the background and the Negro was mustered in. This procedure typified an attitude toward Negro enlistment that would prevail in America’s future wars. From colonial times until the twentieth century, the Negro would be bypassed in the early stages of conflict. But as the struggle grew arduous, civilian authorities and military commanders would turn to the one great remaining manpower pool, and the Negro would emerge from his status as a rejected inferior to become a comrade in arms.”
The exact number of African Americans who served within the ranks of American forces is difficult to determine. Blacks were not segregated into separate units. They fought beside whites. Even the Rhode Island 1st, made up of former slaves, also had white soldiers within its ranks. This did not occur again until the Korean War, almost two hundred years later. In most cases, according to the war department, extended researches as to names, organizations, and numbers, garnished little for the records often failed to show exactly what soldiers were white or of African descent. Since there was never a formal system of recruiting, African Americans enlisted under various regional laws and sometimes under no law or in defiance of the law.
Total number of African Americans compared to the black presence of African Americans within the American regiments. Estimates agree that at least 5,000 black soldiers were dispersed throughout every American regiment during the war. The question of the black soldier’s presence hinges mainly on not the overall numbers of their percentage throughout the war, but upon what percentage of blacks to white which were present at any one time. Therefore if we were to consider that 5,000 black soldiers made up a total of around 300,000 American soldiers who ultimately served throughout the war, blacks would represent only 1.7% of the total. But that percentage does not take into consideration the average number of black troops present within the ranks at any one time during the war. Other factors came into play. Long term enlistments made up a much smaller portion of the 300,000 figure. Included in this number were thirty and ninety day enlistments, ‘sunshine soldiers’ who left the service and returned when it was more opportune, large number of desertions (especially early in the war when entire companies would just ‘go home’), granting of extended furloughs to attend family needs, state militia regiments who remained at home on standby, and those militiamen who responded infrequently – often to thwart an immediate emergency or enemy incursion.
However the black soldier more often than not reenlisted when his term was up or enlisted for the entire war. Few, most especially slaves and those promised freedom for service, left their master’s residence and had no home of their own. African Americans remained on duty, month after month, year after year, when many of the white soldiers came and went. When one considers this important factor, the percentage of black to white soldiers who were fit for duty to fight at any given time during the American Revolution, more especially as the war progressed, the black presence in the ranks would calculate at a much higher percentage than a final ratio of total enlistments. A Hessian officer observed in 1777 that “the Negro can take the field instead of his master; and, therefore, no regiment is to be seen in which there are not Negroes in abundance, and among them there are able-bodied, strong and brave fellows.”
Military returns of regimental or brigade strengths rarely differentiated between races. Lt. Colonel Alexander Scammell, Attorney General to General Washington, in troop returns for August, 1778, gave us numbers of African Americans present in select brigades. He listed fourteen brigades. Absent from his return were seven of the eighteen brigades that wintered at Valley Forge, brigades under General Putnam in the Hudson Valley north of New York [except those assigned to construct West Point], state militias throughout the colonies, and North Carolina militia on duty in the south (this before the war turned its attention to the south). Also his tally did not reflect scattered units along the frontiers. Inclusive were three brigades that were not at Valley Forge, two that wintered in Albany and one constructing facilities at West Point.
When comparing eleven brigades listed in Lt. Colonel Scammell’s return who were also present at Valley Forge in February of 1778, and again with those in June of the same year, we get a good sampling of the percentage of black presence during the ‘bleak hours’, when American regiments had dwindled to a fraction of their strength, and again to the summer months, when regiments’ ranks swelled with new returns of sunshine soldiers. It is assumed, based on the aforementioned practice of many black enlistments, that the number of African Americans within regimental ranks remained constant, varying less than white soldiers during the winter and summer months. To compensate for a natural decline of troop numbers during the winter months, a twenty five percent deduction of African American numbers was taken in the calculation for February, 1778. This percent deduction is an assumption based on average black soldiers’ service records and may be subject to future analysis for accuracy.
The chart lists the eleven brigades present at Valley Forge that are cross referenced with Alexander Scammell’s return of black soldiers in August of 1778. The total number of active soldiers per brigade is given for February of 1778 and again for June of 1778, closer to the Attorney General’s return of African Americans that was not recorded until August of 1778. The total number of African Americans is given for Feb. & June, the Feb. number reflecting a 25% deduction from Lt. Col. Scammell’s return for June. Percentages of black to white soldiers are given per brigade for Feb. & June. A total of brigade strength is compared with the total of black soldiers for both Feb. & June and the total percentage is given.
Brigade Feb. June Af.Am. # Feb. % June%
North Carolina 747 619 44 58 6.0% 9.4%
Woodford (VA) 119 645 30 40 25.2% 6.2%
Muhlenburg (VA) 283 1,026 74 98 26.1% 9.6%
1st Maryland (Smallwood)[15] NA 856 24 NA 2.8%
2nd Maryland[16] NA 920 60 NA 6.5%
1st Penn. (Wayne) 244 682 1.5 2 .6% .2%
2nd Penn. (Hartley) 249 828 26 35 10.4% 3.9%
Huntington (Conn.) 686 1,036 47 62 6.8% 6.0%
Paterson (Mass.) 196 763 67 89 34.1% 11.7%
Ebenezer Learned (Mass) 191 645 35 46 18.3% 7.2%
Poor (NH & NY) 539 979 20 27 3.7% 2.7%
Total for Feb. 3,254 345 10.6%
Total for June 8,999 541 6.1%
Seven brigades were absent from Lt. Col. Scammell’s return of African American troops who were also at Valley Forge and not subject to this sampling. These were: James Mitchell Varnum’s Rhode Island brigade, John Morin Scott’s New York Brigade, a brigade from Massachusetts under Brigadier General John Glover, Brigadier General George Weedon’s Virginians, Brigadier General William Maxwell’s troops from New Jersey, Brigadier General Thomas Conway’s Pennsylvanians, and a brigade of artillery under General Henry Knox. New York, Virginia, and New England brigades tended to have a higher percentage of black soldiers than Pennsylvania, which had a large corps of riflemen, and New Jersey.
Lt. Colonel Scammell recorded the number of African Americans present for three brigades who were not at Valley Forge. Listed below are two who were in Albany and one which was at West Point. General Schuyler gave us a clue to General Nixon Brigade’s composition when he wrote to General Washington in the fall of 1777, just prior to the Battle of Saratoga, and before Nixon’s troops wintered in upper New York, “I find the whole to consist of 575 rank and file… several of them are Negroes and many of them young, small and feeble boys.”[17] Nixon’s men were held in reserve during the Battle of Saratoga and saw little action. After the reduction of troop strength over the winter and additional recruits in the summer, based on similar returns of other brigades, one can estimate his strength to be about 650 men. To get an idea of Brigadier General James Clinton’s brigade strength in the summer of 1778, we can look at Major General Sullivan’s Division in which Clinton’s brigade was assigned. Sullivan’s division of four brigades was earmarked to neutralize the Iroquois threat. His total strength was, in 1779 was 4,469 troops. One can assume that Clinton’s brigade accounted for a quarter of this number and estimated at 1,100 men. In 1778, Brigadier General Samuel Parsons’ brigade was active in constructing Meigs Redoubt and fortifications at West Point, New York. That summer, his command was split into two brigades. It is difficult to determine if Lt. Col. Scammell’s return was prior to the separation of Parsons’ brigade into two units. It is assumed that Parsons’ brigade was still whole and based on similar estimates of brigade strength, it is safe to approximate his numbers to be around 800 troops. Note, African Americans were used as laborers to construct fortifications by both British and Americans, the fort that defended Charleston from British General Henry’s Clinton’s invasion was constructed mainly with slave labor. Because Parsons’ brigade was instrumental in constructing the fortifications at West Point, it may explain his higher number of African American enlistments.
Brigade Strength Afr. Am Percentage
James Clinton – Albany 1,100 62 5.6%
Samuel Parsons – West Pt. 800 148 18.5%
Nixon – Albany 650 27 4.1%
Total 2,250 237 10.5%
Total from Valley Forge 8,999 541 6.1%
Summer Ratio
Total for 14 Brigades of 11,249 778 6.9%
From Scammell’s Return
Summary
The African American soldier was a mainstay in the rebel army’s ranks. Most enlisted for the entire war, whereas most white soldiers did not. Therefore the rank and file of a black to white ratio was greater than calculating their presence based on the total number of soldiers by war’s end. Cross referencing Alexander Scammell’s Return of Negro Troops, recorded in August, 1778, with a sampling of those brigades present at Valley Forge, both in the winter and summer months, and a more accurate ratio of black to white soldier present for duty emerges.
Winter troop strength of the eleven brigades at Valley Forge in which Scammell listed African American numbers in his return gave a sampling of 3,254 soldiers in which 345 were African Americans for a 10.6% average representation. Some units were much higher; Muhlenburg’s Virginia Brigade at 26% and Paterson’s Massachusetts Brigade at 34%. At the low end was Wayne’s Pennsylvania Brigade at .6%. The summer sampling included ranks that swelled with newly returns, ending furloughs, and new recruits totaling 8,999 soldiers in which 541 were African Americans. This averaged a 6.1% representation overall. Again, some units had a much higher percentage: Brigadier Paterson’s Brigade had nearly a 12% representation, while Brigadier “Mad” Anthony Wayne’s Pennsylvanians accounted for only .2% representation. The brigades from North Carolina (Brigadier Lackin McIntosh) and Virginia (Brigadier Peter Muhlenberg) had blacks at nearly 10% of their ranks. This sampling indicates the African American presence was nearly double during the winter months than summer.
General Scammell listed the number of African Americans for three brigades that were not present at Valley Forge. The overall troop strength of each brigade was estimated based on letters and divisional troop strength. Only the summer ratio was calculated. Brigadier James Clinton’s New York Brigade showed a 5.6% black presence. Brigadier John Nixon’s Connecticut troops were at 4.1%, and Brigadier Samuel Parsons, also from Connecticut, showed a strong 18.5% representation of black troops. When added together, these three brigades represented a 10.5% ratio of black to white troops. Plugging in these numbers to the sampling from Valley Forge’s summer figures and for the fourteen brigades listed in Lt. Col. Scammell’s return of African American soldiers and we have the total troop strength of 11,249 with 778 African American soldiers calculated at an average of 6.9% of those in arms per brigade. Individual brigades ran as high as over 18% representation to lows of .8% representation, depending on the state and region from which the troops were recruited.
By the spring of 1780, after the devastating winter at Morristown where the main army suffered far more than at Valley Forge, Washington’s forces were in their darkest hour. As historian Christopher Ward wrote: “…for the Americans [it was] one of the most doubtful seasons of the whole war; for the British it was one of the most hopeful. They were convinced that the American cause was on the verge of collapse.” And they were right. Because of the expiration of large scale enlistments and the lag in recruiting new men, Washington’s army was reduced to fewer than 4,000 men fit for duty. Even when adding forces stationed elsewhere in a forty mile half circle around New York City, the total barely passed 10,000 men, and 2,500 of these were scheduled to go home in May. Based on the strong assumption that African American soldiers remained in service far longer than their white comrades – a large percentage to war’s end, and with the addition of the 1st Rhode Island Black Regiment, a study should be launched to test the percentage of black to white during this critical period of the war. Because of a large decline in troop strength, such an examination may reveal a high black presence during the spring and summer months of 1780 equivilant to that which was found in midwinter, 1778 at Valley Forge; perhaps higher.
At any one time throughout the Revolutionary War, patriotic black soldiers were found in much higher numbers among the white rank and file than the 1.7% figure, calculated from an end of war total count and used to influence historians in dismissing the impact of the African American soldier’s role. Such a black and white method (no pun intended) ignored fluctuations in troop strength and so many other factors that contributed to clarifying and establishing the black presence among American forces and the important role filled by African Americans. Though most African Americans sought refuge within British promises of offered freedom, black soldiers, both freemen and a large number of slaves also joined the American cause, hoping to either maintain or gain their freedom from slavery. Many died in this cause. Many received their freedom. While many others would be returned to slavery by war’s end. Yet they all believed in a war that eventually founded a new nation, a nation that claimed to be based on liberty and equality for all within its borders. The final epitaph on the African American’s experience during the War of Independence is one of loss and discouragement. It can best be summed up by poet Read the exciting Jupiter Hammon, a slave throughout his life, who wrote in 1787[18]:
“That liberty is a great thing we know from our own feelings, and we may likewise judge so from the conduct of the white people in the late war. How much money has been spent and how many lives have been lost to defend their liberty! I must say that I have hoped that God would open their eyes, when they were so much engaged for liberty, to think of the state of the poor blacks, and to pity us.”
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RESOURCES
Hartgrove, W. B. “The Negro Soldier in the American Revolution.” The Journal of Negro History, Vol. 1, No. 2 (April, 1916): 110-131.
Harvey, Robert. A Few Bloody Noses, The Realities and Mythologies of the American Revolution. 2002: Overlook Press, Peter Mayer Publishers, Inc., New York, NY.
Holt, Thomas C. Children of Fire, A History of African Americans. 2010: Hill and Wang, New York, NY.
Lanning, Michael Lee. African Americans in the Revolutionary War. 2000: Kensington Publishing Corp., New York, NY.
Merriam, John M. “The Military Record of Brigadier General John Nixon of Massachusetts.” Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society. New Series, Vol. 36 (April 1928): 38-70.
Moore, George H. Notes on the History of Slavery in Massachusetts. 1866: D. Appleton & Col, New York, NY.
Quarles, Benjamin. The Negro in the American Revolution. 1961: The University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, NC.
Sparks, Jared. The Writings of Washington… Selected and Published from the Original Manuscripts Vols. 3 & 8. 1836: Russell, Shattuck & Williams, Boston, MA.
Web: Valley Forge, The Muster Roll Project: http://valleyforgemusterroll.org/army_brigades.asp
FOOTNOTES
[1] Except the Rhode Island 1st which was enacted as a former slave regiment in Feb., 1778. They went on to distinguish themselves in several conflicts. However their status as an all black regiment changed over time. Rhode Island, by the end of 1778, stopped recruiting slaves, due mainly to lack of financial support to purchase bondsmen from owners. Future recruits were mainly whites, freemen, and occasional runaway slaves, overlooked by recruiting agents eager to fill their quota. The regiment, by war’s end, was more segregated, similar many other regiments within the army.
[2] Edward Rutledge, along with his brother John, represented South Carolina in Congress. Edward, at age 26, was the youngest member of Congress to sign the Declaration of Independence. He was vehemently against any African American serving in the Continental army. He returned to his state in 1779 and became a captain of artillery. He fought at the Battle of Beaufort and 1780, was captured when Charleston was taken by the British. He was later released on a prisoner exchange.
[3] General Thomas would change his mind. Towards the end of 1775 he would support recruiting African Americans. He would be given the command of American Forces in Canada and die of small pox on June 2, 1776.
[4] So too would Nathaniel Gates have a change of heart towards serving beside African Americans. By the time he was commanding the Southern Army, he agreed with other officers such as Alexander Hamilton and John Laurens, seeing the potential and benefits of recruiting African Americans.
[5] Harvey, pg. 185.
[6] Kemp’s Landing, Nov. 15, 1775. Fought against Virginia militia. During the patriot rout, a company of African Americans captured several militiamen including a captain.
[7] Fought Dec. 9, 1775, it was a major victory for Virginia Militia forces under Colonel Woodford and devastating defeat for Lord Dunmore. The Ethiopian Brigade of former African American slaves fought alongside British forces. The Americans were behind strong defensive positions when assaulted by the British forces. The Americans volleyed several times and basically mowed down the advancing troops.
[8] Here is Clinton’s Proclamation made June 30, 1779: “Whereas, the enemy have adopted a practice of enrolling Negroes among their troops: I do hereby give notice, that all Negroes taken in arms, or upon any military duty shall be purchased for the public service at a stated price; the money to be paid to the captors. But I do most strictly forbid any person to sell or claim right over any Negro, the property of a rebel, who may take refuge with any part of this army: And I do promise to every Negro who shall desert the Rebel Standard full security to follow within these lines any occupation which he may think proper.”
[9] Hartgrove, 117.
[10] Lt. Col. John Laurens was born to the aristocratic life of a South Carolina plantation. He became embroiled in the patriotic cause and befriended Alexander Hamilton when both were aide-de-camps for General Washington. Laurens was known for his reckless regard for his own person during battle. He would be wounded and later captured during the southern campaign, later to be exchanged. He was known to history mainly as championing the cause of enlisting black soldiers in the army. He introduced a preamble favored by Congress that would establish African American regiments in southern states. He introduced this to the South Carolina assembly and was soundly rejected. Laurens did not give up his desire to grant freedom to African Americans who served in American ranks. He was sadly killed during one of the last actions of the war, a skirmish in August, 1782 called the Battle of Combahee.
[11] Ibid, pg. 119.
[12] Here is the complete resolution passed by Congress : “Resolved, That it be recommended to the States of South Carolina and Georgia, if they shall think the same expedient, to take measures immediately for raising three thousand able-bodied negroes. “That the said Negroes be formed into separate corps, as battalions, according to the arrangements adopted for the main army, to be commanded by white commissioned and non-commissioned officers. “That the commissioned officers be appointed by the said States. “That the non-commissioned officers may, if the said States respectively shall think proper, be taken from among the non-commissioned officers and soldiers of the continental battalions of the said States respectively. “That the Governors of the said States, together with the commanding officer of the Southern army, be empowered to incorporate the several Continental battalions of their States with each other respectively, agreeably to the arrangement of the army, as established by the resolutions of May 27, 1778; and to appoint such of the supernumerary officers to command the said negroes, as shall choose to go into that service. “Resolved, That Congress will make provision for paying the proprietors of such Negroes as shall be enlisted for the service of the United States during the war, a full compensation for the property, at a rate not exceeding one thousand dollars for each active, able-bodied negro man of standard size, not exceeding thirty-five years of age, who shall be so enlisted and pass muster. “That no pay or bounty be allowed to the said negroes; but that they be clothed and subsisted at the expense of the United States. “That every negro, who shall well and faithfully serve as a soldier to the end of the present war, and shall return his arms, be emancipated, and receive the sum of fifty dollars.” In connection with this Congress passed also the following resolution: “WHEREAS John Laurens, Esq., who has heretofore acted as aide-de-camp to the commander-in-chief, is desirous of repairing to South Carolina, with a design to assist in defence of the Southern States: “Resolved, That a commission of lieutenant-colonel be granted to the said John Laurens, Esq.”
[13] Sparks, Writings of Washington, Vol. 8, pp 322-323.
[14] Harvey, pg. 361.
[15] Smallwood’s 1st Maryland did not winter in Valley Forge, however they arrived in June, 1778 and are recorded in troop returns for Valley Forge.
[16] Like Smallwood’s 1st Maryland, the second Maryland also wintered in Maryland, not at Valley Forge. They arrived at Valley forge in June, 1778 and are were included in the return.
[17] Merriam, pp 52 & 53.
[18] Harvey, pg. 368.