Battle of White Plains: Washington Draws His Foot in the Sand

The Battle of White Plains was fought on Oct. 28, 1776. The Americans had suffered a major defeat at the Battle of Long Island on August 27^th, 1776, and a third of Washington’s army barely escaped from Brooklyn across the East River to New York City. General Washington and his army were forced to wait anxiously for British General Howe to make the next move. The rebel troops were spread out over Manhattan Island, north to Westchester County, and across the Hudson River in New Jersey. The British had sent a fleet to her American colonies to counter colonial rebellion to England’s rule. Not since the Spanish Armada had a gathering of war ships and troops been assembled to defeat a defiant people. A forest of British masts filled New York Harbor. They could easily transport the most professional army of its time to strike at any point along Manhattan and New Jersey’s shoreline. Washington knew his position was untenable. However, his hands were tied. Congress, nestled in Philadelphia and far from the sound of cannon, heeded the influence of their wealthy brethren in New York City. They refused to allow their commanding general to abandon the city and torch it, taking what many of Washington’s Generals considered the necessary steps to assure the safety of the army and to deprive the enemy winter accommodations. Congress expected their army to defend what General Charles Lee, second in command to Washington, had claimed the previous year was indefensible. Washington had no other choice but to try and hold the city.

After the Battle of Long Island, the Continental Army was re-organized into three divisions. To the south and in the city was General Putnam’s command. General Greene was stationed mid-island but, due to a bout of malaria, he temporarily relinquished command to General Spencer. To the north was General Heath’s division at King’s Bridge and further north into Westchester County. There was also a contingency at Fort Washington located on the Hudson just north of Harlem Heights. Directly across the Hudson and Fort Washington, was positioned General Mercer with what was called the ‘Flying Division.’  Mostly militia from New Jersey and Pennsylvania, they were stationed along the Hudson and were to deploy wherever they were needed the most. A concept in theory only, because when the British turned their attention to invading New Jersey and opened up their first broadside, the militiamen left their posts in droves without firing a single shot. Before the end of the year, this division vanished as a fighting unit for most of the men returned to their homes.

Washington was finally given word that he was allowed to evacuate New York City, however he was not to burn it. He had just started abandoning the city when the British struck. Just over two weeks after the catastrophe on Long Island, on September 15th, General Howe’s troops crossed the East River from Newtown, Long Island and landed three miles north of New York City at Kip’s Bay. British and Hessian mercenaries swarmed ashore and brushed aside Douglas’ Connecticut militia. General Wadsworth Brigade was devastated as American troops threw aside their weapons and ran before British and Hessian steel. General Putnam’s Division, over three thousand men, found themselves trapped in the city. After a desperate sixteen mile march along the western edge of Manhattan Island, they miraculously made General Spencer’s defensive line at Harlem Heights.

The next day, General Washington saw an opportunity to strike back. Unexpectedly, he launched an attack against the British forces drawn up in front of the Harlem defenses. A spirited fight ensued that almost became a full blown battle. Achieving a moral victory for his troops by driving crack British forces back, including the famed ‘Black Watch’ highlanders, Washington ordered a cease to hostilities and drew back his men to their original defense. What became known as The Battle of Harlem Heights was not a decisive battle, but it was the first time that rebel forces stood toe to toe with their adversary and pushed them back. It gave the American forces a boost in moral that, after a string of defeats, was desperately needed.

Both armies faced each other in their respective entrenched and fortified positions. General Howe was not about to throw his forces against the strong fortifications Washington enjoyed on Harlem Heights. He had experienced high casualties leading the attack against Breeds Hill during the Battle of Bunker Hill the previous year and did not relish a repeat of such results. He remained inactive for twenty-six days while setting his next plan in motion. As on Long Island, he preferred to flank his opponent. On the evening of October 12^th, 1776, he sent a fleet of eighty sail, including transports lined with British and Hessian troops, north up the East River. They navigated through Hells Gate and into Long Island Sound. Howe left Lord Percy behind with three brigades to man the lines facing Washington’s troops who were strung out along Harlem Heights. His objective was sixteen miles up the coast to Throg’s Neck in Westchester County. Howe planned to position his army behind the rebels then cut across the county to the Hudson thereby boxing them in. However, unexpected delays were to work to the rebels’ advantage. Note: Throughout the war the British commonly referred to the American rebellious colonials as rebels.

The British landed at Frog’s Point on the 13th. The land was owned by a Mr. Throckmorton and eventually became Throck’s Neck changed to present da Throg’s Neck. It was a marshy section of land that reached out into the sound. Frog’s Point was not really a peninsula, but an island that tapered to a causeway over a creek and mire that connected it to the mainland. Colonel Edward Hand and a small detachment of riflemen pulled up the causeway’s planks and positioned themselves behind stacks of cordwood. When the advance guard of the enemy approached, Hand’s riflemen opened up with a deadly and accurate fire from their grove-bore long rifles. Twenty five rebels held back Howe’s entire army until Hand was reinforced with Continental regiments from Massachusetts and New York, swelling their numbers to nearly 1,800 men. Both sides dug in. Howe remained there for six days while baggage and supplies were brought up from New York.

On October 18^th, the day Washington’s main army withdrew from Harlem Heights and began its trek north, Howe withdrew from Throg’s Neck to a more suitable landing on the mainland at Pell’s Point, only three miles further east along the coast. Here he was confronted by Colonel John Glover who commanded four regiments, mainly men from Massachusetts, numbering only 750 men. The rebels put up a smart fire, retreating from stone wall to stone wall and delaying the British until nightfall. As night set, Glover pulled back three miles to rest his troops. The next day, October 19^th, had Howe sent his light infantry and grenadiers by a straight road to King’s Bridge, they would have caught the American army in column and quite possibly routed Washington’s forces. Instead, Howe remained at New Rochelle for three days before moving to Mamaroneck, only three miles distant. There he stayed for four more days until marching towards White Plains. He camped his forces in Scarsdale, three miles south of White Plains, and established his headquarters at the Griffin House on Mamaroneck Road.

Some years later the British historian Trevelyan expressed the frustration of many of Howe’s subordinates when he wrote, “The sun had set and risen more than forty times since General Howe broke up his summer cantonments on Staten Island. In seven weeks – with an irresistible army and a fleet which there was nothing to resist – he had traversed, from point to point, a distance of exactly thirty-five miles.” Another reason his officers began referring to their supreme commander as ‘Granny Howe.’

Washington had reorganized his army after the Battle of Harlem Heights. This time instead of three divisions, there were now seven. General Charles Lee was back with the army after his success in defending Charlestown, South Carolina against an invasion fleet led by General Howe’s second in command, Lt. General Henry Clinton. Generals Sullivan and Stirling had also returned. Both men had been captured at the Battle of Long Island and had been exchanged; Sullivan was released from captivity in exchange for General Richard Prescott who was taken in Montreal by Montgomery, and Stirling was given his freedom in trade for Montfort Browne, former royal governor of West Florida. The seven divisions were under the command of Generals Greene, Sullivan, Lee, Heath, Putnam, Spencer, and Benjamin Lincoln. Greene was to hold Fort Lee (renamed from Constitution in honor of General Charles Lee) in New Jersey, across from Fort Washington, and was garrisoned with 3,500 men. Another 1,500 men were left in Fort Washington, leaving 14,500 men with Washington. He would keep ten thousand in Harlem and positioned the rest at the floating bridge in King’s Bridge and Westchester County.

When Howe’s attempt to cut across Westchester County was stalled at Throg’s Neck, Washington was given the time to organize a retreat north. On the 16^th, a council of war was assembled at the Morris House, Washington’s headquarters in Harlem Heights. It was decided that the army would withdraw as far as White Plains. The main army marched on October 18^th, the day Colonel Glover’s brigade halted Howe’s advance from Pell’s Point. On October 20^th, two days after Glover’s swift action and what became known as the Battle of Pelham Bay (or Pell’s Point), Washington sent his chief engineer, Colonel Rufus Putnam, the thirty-eight year old distant nephew of General Israel Putnam, north towards White Plains to report on the terrain and General Howe’s movements.

Putnam realized that, if the British gained White Plains, General Howe could easily rendezvous with his brother Lord Howe, whose vessels had shot past the American defenses at Forts Washington and Lee and were further north at Tarrytown, positioned near White Plains. If that were to occur, the Continental Army would be encircled. Putnam galloped the ten miles back to Valentine’s Hill to inform Washington, who remained at his headquarters along with the main army. Along the route he met General Stirling who was in the advance column and informed him of the situation.  Washington, upon hearing the news, ordered General Stirling north with all haste to seize and hold the high ground at White Plains until the main army arrived.

The council decided to leave 2,000 men at Fort Washington. Congress had resolved on October 11^th that Washington should act to obstruct British ships from navigating the North River beyond the two forts. This meant that the sunken hulks acting as ‘chevaux-de-frise’ be maintained, even though the British had already proven they could sail beyond the forts at will. To continue the forlorn attempt to stop British shipping meant that both forts needed to be garrisoned. This was ardently supported by General Nathanael Greene who maintained that the army needed a foothold on Manhattan to preserve a line of communication with New England. Colonel Robert Magaw, commander of the fort, was convinced he could defend it against the British until December if necessary. If needed, the garrison could readily evacuate across the Hudson to Fort Lee. As soon as the main army departed, the men at Fort Washington and those left manning the entrenchments before Lord Percy’s forces were soon surrounded, fifteen miles from any support by Washington. It would soon be proven that few military decisions were more ill fated.

Troop Placements

The main Continental army arrived on October 22^nd. Washington set his headquarters at the Elijah Miller House, a 600 acre farm two miles north of White Plains which was owned by one of Washington’s old comrades from the French and Indian War and who had died in camp just two months previously of fever. Washington selected a series of hills that overlooked the village of White Plains and all approaches from the south. The name White Plains was derived from the Native American tribe the Wappinger of the Mohawk nation, which called the region Quarropas, meaning “white marshes.” This name was most likely given because of the heavy mist and fog that hovered over the swampland that stretched out from the Bronx River.

Putnam’s division made up the American right on Purdy Hill overlooking a narrow valley down to the Bronx River. Heath’s division occupied Hatfield Hill on the American left that bordered swampland. Washington held the center behind the village. Two lines of entrenchments were dug in a shallow curve from the east shore of the Bronx River on the right to a millpond on the far left, three miles in all. The land was hard packed soil and ledges and did not lend well to deep entrenchments. Major Benjamin Tallmadge wrote that “… breastworks were improvised… cornstalks pulled from the fields were stacked with the clods of earth on the bottoms facing the enemy, quickly creating defenses that looked much stronger than they were.” These defenses would ultimately fool General Howe who would avert a frontal attack, again seeking a flanking alternative.

The ends of both lines were drawn back to secure each flank from attack. A half mile to the right and east of the American line across the narrow valley and steam of the Bronx River, lay Chatterton’s Hill. It was a ridge about three quarters of a mile long running north and south and 180 feet above the river which dominated all of the White Plains. The gently rounded top was crisscrossed by stone walls between cultivated fields. History notes that General Lee had earlier pointed out the need to heavily fortify Chatterton’s Hill; for, if it fell into British hands, the American lines would be compromised. Washington partially followed Lee’s advice by sending two militia regiments from General Lincoln’s Massachusetts Division, however did not do so until the evening before the battle. Needless to say, the defenses would proved to be inadequate for the following morning’s assault by combined British and Hessian forces. Washington’s exhausted and drawn out army would be given six days to fortify White Plains before a sluggish Howe drew up his forces to offer battle.

The day General Howe’s forces landed at Pell’s Point, one hundred and twenty sail arrived in New York Harbor. Aboard were the second grand division of German mercenaries; 4,000 Hessians, 670 Waldeckers, and a company of Jagers. Lieutenant General Wilhelm von Knyphausen was in command. Included were 3,400 British recruits and several Dutch horse transports conveying the Queen’s 16^th Dragoons under the command of Lord Hartcourt. The Germans and dragoons were immediately ordered to New Rochelle. This brought the number of troops under General Howe’s command to roughly 13,000 men; basically, equal to the numbers he faced under Washington. The morning of October 28^th, ten days after landing at Pell’s Point, Howe ordered his forces to White Plains. Washington was not about to give General Howe the definitive battle he sought on a field of honor. For the illustrious Virginian, if the British were intent on subjecting the colonists to their rule, they would have to smash their forces upon his troops entrenched in a strong defensive stance.

The Battle

“The sun shown bright, their arms glittered, and perhaps troops never were shown to more advantage than these now appeared,” wrote General Heath of the approaching British. They came on in two columns, thirteen thousand strong. The British comprised the right column commanded by General Clinton. The left were Hessians, under the leadership of General Heister. They crossed the plain heading forward as if they were about to grant Washington his wish and make a direct attack upon his works. General Heath goes on to report that, while on horseback, viewing the approaching British with Generals Washington and Lee, afterwards at Headquarters Washington turned to his generals and said, “Gentlemen, you will repair to your respective posts,” adding, “and do the best you can.” With that the Americans accepted the challenge.

First Stage of the Battle – American Advance Force Confronts Hessian Left Column

According to British Lieutenant Henry Stirke, on Monday morning, Oct. 28^th,[1] the British struck their tents at Scarsdale and by 7:30 AM, they were on the road and moving in two columns towards White Plains.[2] The right column, mainly British, was led by Lt. Gen. Henry Clinton.  They proceeded along the Mamaroneck Rd. The left column was composed mainly of Hessian forces under the command of Lt. Gen. Leopold Phillip von Heister and advanced up the York Road, keeping the Bronx River on their left.[3]

General Washington was soon informed by his aide, Colonel Reed, that the pickets had been driven in.[4] Washington ordered General Spencer’s Division and elements of General Sullivan’s Division to advance a mile and a half forward of the American line to confront the two columns. Referencing the Returns of those Killed, Wounded, and Missing, dated November 17 – 28, 1776, it is ascertained that the following commands made up the American forces sent forward: Maj. General Spencer’s Division – Gen. Wadsworth’s Brigade of Colonels Silliman, Seldon (commanded by Lt. Col. Arnold as Seldon died of wounds during captivity), Sage, Douglas and Gen. Fellows Brigade of Colonels Holman and Smith; Maj. General Sullivan’s Division – Colonel Sergeant’s Brigade of Colonel Chester and Gen. Saltonstall Brigade of Colonels Baldwin and Ely,[5] Colonel Samuel Miles Pennsylvania State Rifle Regiment.[6] This represented a force of approximately 2,600 men.

An accurate list of British and German units that composed the vanguard of General Howe’s forces can be found in Captain Johann Ewald’s diary. He wrote that the right column, under General Clinton, consisted of Colonel Donop’s Jaeger Company, Capt Werdon[7] commanding, one half of the 16^th Regiment of Dragoons, 1^st & 2^nd Battalion of Light Infantry under Col. Abercromby, three Hessian Grenadier battalions under Lising, Minnigerode & Block commanded by Col. Donop, four light 6 pounders and British Guards. Colonel Campbell provincials covered the right flank.  The column on the left under Lt. Gen. Heister consisted of Donop Jaeger Company commanded by Cpt. Ewald, one half of the 17^th Regiment of Dragoons, the 3^rd Battalion of Lt. Infantry under Maj. Maitland, the 1^st & 2^nd English brigades, the Lossberg & Mirbach brigades, six 12 pounders and eight 6 pounders. Colonel Grant’s provincials covered the left flank and the remainder of the dragoons followed the column.[8]

Captain Johann Ewald, Hessian captain of Jager, German riflemen, wrote in his diary that the British forces had marched barely two hours when the left column encountered an advanced corps of the enemy. The riflemen engaged the Americans supported by the light infantry. According to Ewald, the area in which the two forces met was “intersected by hills, woods, and marshes, and every field was enclosed with a stone wall. This enemy corps [Americans] had taken a stand behind the stone walls on the steep hills between two plantations… General Heister immediately mounted a battery on the main road and cannonaded the enemy, who withdrew to his own lines…”[9]

The American right, Gen. Wadsworth brigade[10], proved more stubborn than the left which were regiments of General Sullivan and Gen. Spencer’s divisions. The American left soon gave way exposing Gen. Wadsworth’s men and threatening their capture, forcing them to slowly withdraw. British Lt. Stirke, marching on the British right flank that attacked the American left, did not think much of the American resistance writing; “… dislog’d several large parties of Rebels that threw themselves into the woods, in our front in order to impede our march; but on our field pieces being fired into the woods, they immediately ran.”[11]

Private Joseph Plumb Martin of Wadsworth’s Brigade and Colonel William Douglas’ Connecticut regiment found his regiment in jeopardy of being flanked and gave an account of his brigade’s resistance when encountering the Hessians: “There was in our front, about ten rods distant, an orchard of apple trees. The ground on which the orchard stood was lower than the ground that we occupied, from our post to the verge of the orchard, when it fell off so abruptly that we could not see the lower parts of the trees. A party of Hessian troops, and some English, soon took possession of this ground; they would advance so far as just to show themselves above the rising ground, fire, and fall back and reload their muskets… We were engaged in this manner for some time, when finding ourselves flanked and in danger of being surrounded, we were compelled to make a hasty retreat from the stone wall.”[12]

Whereas Plum Martin offered an explanation of the enemy pulling back, having to reload before coming up again, Col. Douglas saw it as having driven back the enemy’s initial attack. Douglas wrote to his wife on Oct. 31^st.  “I was ordered out with my regiment with three others [Silliman, Sage, Seldon (Arnold)] to meet and endeavor to retard their march. We moved on and at about twelve were attacked by their advanced guard. We drove them back but soon after the main body came on and we stood them until they got on our flank and I ordered a retreat.”[13] Colonel Gold Silliman, of Gen. Wadsworth’s Brigade, also wrote that his men threw back the Hessian advance. He recorded the role his regiment played as part of Gen. Spencer’s advance force writing to his wife on Oct. 29^th, 1776.  

“Yesterday about 10 o’clock in the morning we had news that the enemy were approaching, when I with my regiment & 3 others [Douglas, Sage, Seldon (Arnold)] were ordered out about 1½ miles below our lines to take post on a hill to gall them in their march as they advanced. We accordingly took our post & mine & one other regiment had the advantage of a stone wall right in front at which we had been waiting but little time before the enemy came up within 6 or 8 rods,—when our men rose from behind the wall, poured in a most furious fire. The enemy retreated & came on several times & were so hotly received every time that finally we drove them off from the hill. We killed some they did not carry off & some they did… On this the enemy were coming upon us with a number of field pieces & as we had none there to meet them with, we were ordered to retreat…”[14]

Major Benjamin Tallmadge, Brigade Major to General Wadsworth, accompanied Wadsworth’s forces. His description is similar to Martin, Douglass, and Silliman’s accounts in that the Hessian forces were held or forced back until, for fear of being flanked on their left, the brigade retreated.  He confirmed the Americans using the York Road and mentions that the Bronx River was on their right. He wrote: “A detachment of 2,000 or 3,000 men was ordered to proceed on the old York road to meet the enemy in front. Gen. Spencer, who commanded this body of troops in advance, immediately made the necessary disposition to receive the enemy, having the river Bronx on our right, and between us and the troops on Chatterton’s Hill. At the dawn of day [this is questionable as all other accounts give the times of action shortly after 10 AM to approximately 1 PM], the Hessian column advanced within musket shot of our troops, when a full discharge of musketry warned them of their danger. At first they fell back, but rallied again immediately, and the column of British troops having advanced upon our left, made it necessary to retire. As stone walls were frequent, our troops occasionally formed behind them, and poured a destructive fire into the Hessian ranks. It, however, became necessary to retreat wholly before such an overwhelming force.”[15]

Second Stage of Battle – Assault on Chatterton Hill

Thomas Jones, in his 1879 History of New York During the Revolutionary War, Vol. 1 wrote that “… [Chatterton’s Hill] from which village and court-hours, as they then were, it is about one mile due west.  A short distance north of it, across a bend in the Bronx, a bridge communicated with Washington’s entrenchments, which extended from that river on the west, over and along a high ridge, to Horton’s (now Willett’s ) pond, on the east.  It was therefore in advance of, and separated from, them [American line], by the river” [Bronx].[16]

Though the majority of historical accounts of this stage of the battle attest to its brief action, lasting anywhere from fifteen minutes but no more than thirty,[17] it was the most severe during the day resulting in the highest number of casualties. Americans occupying fences and stone walls, with little time to construct entrenchments, defended the hill against a combined British and Hessian force more than twice their numbers. According to British accounts, the hill was taken in one assault after a severe bombardment by their artillery. American versions state that the initial Hessian assault was repulsed once and some stating twice, followed by another, more concerted effort involving British light infantry that proved successful.[18]  American General Heath’s observance that the British assault stalled momentarily to allow their artillery to advance forward for the final push forward, thereby giving the impression that they were driven back may be closer to actual events.[19]

This frontal assault, along with a Hessian regiment’s flanking movement on the American right against the militia, made the hill untenable. The Americans hastily withdrew northeast, crossing the bridge over the Bronx to their main entrenched lines. Many questions remain as to the exact American forces that defended Chatterton’s Hill and to the number and effective use of American cannon during the British and Hessian attack. The entire region of White Plains was crossed by many hills, stone walls and streams leading into the Bronx River. Most accounts do not label the various hills and ravines that the troops traversed during the heat of battle which added confusion as to what terrain they traveled and defended.

General Heath stated that General Washington did not consider occupying Chatterton’s Hill until the morning of the British attack. “From the American camp to the west-south-west, there appeared to be a very commanding height, worth of attention. The commander in Chief ordered the general officers who were off duty, to attend him to reconnoiter this ground, on this morning [Oct. 28]… ‘Yonder,’ says Major General Lee, pointing to the grounds just mentioned, ‘is the ground we ought to occupy.’ ‘Let us go and view it,’ replied the Commander in Chief. When on the way, a light horseman came up… and addressed Gen. Washington. ‘The British are on the camp. Sir…”[20]

Artillery commander Colonel Henry Knox also noted that Chatterton’s Hill was not entrenched prior to the battle, “our men had no works and were not timely reinforced, owing to the distance they were from the main body.”[21] Lt.Colonel Robert H. Harrison wrote to Governor Trumbull of Connecticut on the 2^nd of Nov. 1776. He also supports that the militia had just started to entrench Chatterton’s Hill the morning of the battle, “In a little time their main body [British] filed off to our right and began a most incessant cannonade at a part of our troops who had just taken post on a hill with a view of throwing up some lines.”[22]

It is logical to assume that General Washington decided to follow General Lee’s advice and occupy Chatterton’s Hill. Army Engineer Colonel Rufus Putnam (nephew of Maj. Gen. Israel Putnam) was sent to Chatterton’s Hill the morning of the battle. He records in his memoir, “October 29th [28th] the British advanced in front of our lines at White Plains about 10 o’clock a.m. I had just arrived on Chatterton Hill in order to throw up some works when they [British forces] hove in sight…”[23] Regiments regularly accompanied Colonel Putnam on his engineering projects[24] and historical texts and primary sources are in agreement that two militia regiments reported to Chatterton that morning. One, Colonel Brooks’ militia regiment of Maj. General Lincoln’s Division of Massachusetts State Militia[25], had crossed the Bronx River from the main American line and took position on the hill with the intent to construct hasty defenses. Some primary sources and return of casualties after the battle recognize only Colonel’s Brook’s regiment on Chatterton’s Hill; [26]  however Colonel Haslet, who was ordered to the hill and arrived shortly after Brook’s regiment clearly states militia regiments were present.[27]

If another regiment of militia was present, the name of this unit is not mentioned in any first hand accounts but one, Sergeant Thomas Craige of Colonel John Mosely Massachusetts Militia.  His description of the day’s events indicated that Mosely’s regiment accompanied Colonel Brook’s regiment onto Chatterton’s Hill. He wrote that General Washington “ordered the men to dig a new entrenchment between the road and the place occupied by the two armies, extending right out to front from the right…” This new entrenchment, the extended right, would be Chatterton’s Hill

However, his evidence is not conclusive and rather confusing when he states that “Whether the men that dug that entrenchment were of Brook’s regiment, of McDougall’s or some other corp, the declarant [Craige] is not certain… and then Brook’s regiment, with some other troops went into it.” The main aspect of Sergeant Craige’s narrative is the following, “Brook’s regiment was next to us.” The last sentence states that Mosely’s regiment was next to Colonel Brook’s regiment. The description is not clear as to whether this was prior to Colonel Brook’s regiment being sent to Chatterton’s Hill, or during the battle when Brook’s unit was stationed on the right of those troops present on Chatterton’s Hill. Some historical accounts, Bancroft & Ward, list the other militia regiment as that of Colonel Morris Graham of New York. However testimony at a court-martial on Nov. 4^th, which accused Colonel Graham of ordering his men to retreat from two stone walls without firing a shot, stated that he was ordered back by two senior officers who were not on Chatterton’s Hill.  One of those officers, Colonel Read (or Reid) of McDougal’s brigade supplied strong evidence that Col. Graham’s regiment was part of the force sent forward during the first phase of the battle, and was not present on Chatterton’s Hill[28].

Besides Brook’s and possibly another regiment of Massachusetts militia, the following American units were ordered to Chatterton’s Hill: Colonel Haslet’s Continental regiment from Delaware (Lord Stirling’s Brigade[29] & Maj. Gen. Spencer’s Division)[30], General McDougal’s Brigade of Maj. Gen. Lee’s Division[31] – 1^st New York regiment (formerly McDougal’s brigade whose command was vacant during the battle)[32] 3rd New York under Colonels Ritzema, Colonel Webb’s 19^th Continental regiment from Connecticut, and Colonel Smallwood Marylanders.[33] The total number of soldiers varied from 1400 to 1600 troops.[34] General McDougall had two three pound cannon assigned to his brigade[35] and accounts were indecisive as if there were two or three cannon present; the commander of the cannon was not recorded.

Evidence exists that some elements of the advance force ordered beyond the American line to harass the approaching British and Hessian forces may have retreated onto Chatterton’s Hill. Sullivan’s forces, making up the American left, pulled back to the main American line. As did Spencer’s Division; both Colonel Douglas and Private Martin stated that once disengaged with the enemy, their regiment returned to the main American line and saw no further action.[36] However, two primary sources indicate that some of McDougal’s Brigade forded the Bronx River and ascended Chatterton’s Hill and joined the Americans defending the position. Only one, Colonel Silliman of Wadsworth’s Brigade gave evidence that his regiment joined those in defense of Chatterton’s Hill. He wrote: “we [his regiment] were ordered to retreat over West on to another Hill and join another party of men & accordingly did it & formed a line of battle. We were I believe near 2,000 on the Hill (Chatterton’s).[37]

Silliman went on to give an explicit description of the British and Hessian attack lending credence to his account. So too did Major Tumbridge, of Wadsworth’s Brigade, describe crossing the Bronx River and ascending Chatterton’s Hill with elements of Spencer’s brigade; “To gain Chadderton’s Hill, it became necessary to cross the Bronx, which was fordable at that place. The troops immediately entered the river and ascended the hill, while I being in the rear, and mounted on horseback, endeavored to hasten the last of our troops, the Hessians being then within musket shot.”[38] Tumbridge does not elaborate which units were before him that ascended the hill, and quite possibly could have been elements of Colonel Silliman’s regiment. However, among all other primary sources, only Colonel Silliman’s account gives strong evidence that his regiment joined those in defense of Chatterton’s Hill and is therefore logically suspect.[39]

While General Wadsworth’s men were confronting the Hessian column, Colonel Brook’s Massachusetts Militia and possibly Colonel Mosely’s militia[40] were soon joined on Chatterton’s Hill by Colonel Haslet’s Delaware regiment, General Stirling’s Brigade.[41] Haslet was ordered forward by General Washington and arrived minutes before the Hessian forces began a bombardment of the American position. Hessian heavy field artillery, approximately fifteen pieces of six and twelve pounders, were positioned on a hill to the southeast of Chatterton overlooking a gully formed by the Bronx River. At around twelve noon[42], the artillery opened up on the American position with a thunderous roar: “Heister’s [General Heister, divisional commander of Hessian troops] adjutant-general says that the Hessian field-pieces made such a thurder-storm that one could neither see nor hear.”[43]

Haslet wrote: “I received his Excellency’s [Washington] orders to take possession of the hill [Chatterton Hill] beyond our lines, and the command of the militia regiments there posted; which was done. We had not been many minutes on the ground, when the cannonade began.[44] No sooner did Haslet arrive than a cannon shot routed Mosely’s regiment of militia. He wrote: “the second shot wounded a militia-man in the thigh upon which the whole regiment broke and fled immediately, and were not rallied without much difficulty.”

The remaining militia and the Delaware Continental regiment were soon reinforced by General McDougall’s Brigade[45] consisting of Colonel Smallwood Marylanders, Colonel Webb’s 19^th Connecticut regiment[46], Colonel Ritzema’s 3^rd and McDougal’s late 1^st regiment.[47] The militia formed on the right with the Delaware regiment beside them. General McDougall arranged his brigade along the American left, sending Colonel Smallwood and Webb’s regiments forward to harass the enemy as they attempted to ford the Bronx River. Colonel Haslet of Delaware wrote:  “Soon after General McDougall’s brigade took post behind us. Some of our officers expressed much apprehension from the ire of our friends so posted [fear of friendly fire]. On my application to the General, he ordered us to the right, formed his own brigade on the left, and ordered Brook’s Massachusetts militia still farther to the right, behind a stone fence.”

Haslet, along with McDougall, observed the British and Hessian forces push back the initial American resistance and the enemy’s left column turn toward their position on Chatterton’s Hill. He recommended troops sent forward as the militia could not be trusted to stand their position: “I then applied to Gen. McDougall again to vary his disposition, and advised him to order my regiment farther onward, and replace it with Colonel Smallwood’s, or order the Colonel forward, for there was no dependence to be placed on the militia. The latter measure was adopted.”[48] McDougall also sent Col. Webb forward as 2^nd Lt. Bostwick of Webb’s regiment related: “We soon came to the place of action a large field of fenced lots but were wholly exposed to the fire of their artillery which played upon us from an eminence which over looked us from the east when their foot were advancing upon us from the south and were soon at musket shot… Our regiment was ordered by Gen. McDougall farther down the hill & while making that movement as I supposed to prevent our being flanked…”[49]

British General William Howe ordered Lieutenant General de Heister, commanding the left column, to take Chatterton’s Hill prior to an engagement by the rest of his troops on the American main line of defense. The following troops made the assault: Hessian regiments under Col. Carl Lossberg, Col. Donop, and Col. Rall. The British 2^nd British Brigade under Brigadier Leslie, and supported by the 1^st British Brigade and 3^rd Battalion of Light Infantry, along with the 16^th Dragoons; about fourth thousand troops in all.[50]

Robert Beatson, recorded the British version of the assault on Chatterton’s Hill and interviewed British officers who witnessed or participated in the battle. In his Navel and Military Memoirs…” written from London in 1804 he stated: “Colonel Rall, who commanded a brigade of Hessians on the left, observing this position of the enemy, and perceiving a height of the other side of the Bronx unoccupied by them, from whence their left flank might be galled, took position on with great alacrity. Sir William Erskine [British Adj-general] acquainted Gen. de Heister with this movement, who approved very much of it… General Howe gave orders for a battalion of Hessians, which was to be supported by the second brigade of British, under the command of Brigadier General Leslie, and the Hessian grenadiers from the right, commanded by Colonel Donop, to pass the Bronx and attack the enemy’s detached corps. Colonel Rall was at the same time directed to charge the enemy’s flank, as the Hessian battalion advanced upon their front.”[51]

Under the cover of the Hessian artillery, Hessian and British forces forded the Bronx River.  Contrary to several secondary historical accounts that state the river was swollen due to recent rains, General Heath noted it was readily fordable.[52] General Parsons stated that the British crossed the Bronx and marched along Mill Lane up the river under cover of the hill [Chatterton’s].[53] Several historical scholars make mention of a bridge being constructed over the Bronx River and that the Hessian troops hesitated to ford the stream.

Many secondary sources write that American Artillery, commanded by Captain Alexander Hamilton, shelled the bridge and caused great havoc. There is no primary source that describes or even mentions such a bridge or American artillery shelling any such structure. Nor of Captain Hamilton’s presence on Chatterton’s Hill, even though he is credited for playing a significant role in this battle by many historical texts and countless internet articles. Further research has indicated Hamilton’s role in the battle was fully elaborated by his son in a future biography of his father. The son extracted excerpts from his father’s journal detailing Hamilton’s role during General Putnam’s division’s escape from New York City on September 15,1775, plugging it into the Battle of White Plains. See Alexander Hamilton the Myth and the Man Part 1: He Never Fired a Shot During the Battle of White Plains!

Colonel Lossberg’s Brigade formed the front followed on the left by General Leslie’s Second Battalion of 28^th and 35^th regiments. These troops were supported on the right by Colonel Donop’s regiment of grenadier. The 1st Battalion, the 5^th and 49^th regiments, closely supported the main assault.[54] Colonel Silliman, who wrote that his regiment forded the Bronx River and ascended Chatterton Hill prior to the Hessian attack, referred to the Hessian bombardment and troop formation: “The enemy soon brought their main body opposite to us and formed them into three lines, one back of the other, and a large number of field pieces in their front… Then they marched their first line off from the Hill where they stood, down into a deep valley that lay between us & then they played on us most furiously with their artillery to keep us from meeting their people in the hollow & in short the shot & shells came like hail.”[55]

At this stage of the battle, culminating with the British assault on Chatterton Hill, American accounts uniformly disagreed with British reports.  British author Sir George Otto Trevelyan, in 1922, published a six volume discourse on the war full of prose and witticism in which he captured the British sentiment towards their opponent: “The Americans were ill posted and their performance was what it might be expected from raw troops who had some good stuff among them.”[56]

British & Hessian primary sources, including British Historians, categorically stated that the Hessians and British units pressed up the hill continuously and in one slow, determined charge, forced the Americans to retreat; no mention of being forced back. The American version concurred or claimed that the initial charge was beaten back once, even twice, before a flanking movement by the enemy on the American right routed the militia and forced the rebels to retreat.

The Hessian brigade under Lossberg assaulted the hill supported by two of Brigadier Leslie’s regiments and a brigade of Hessian grenadier. British officer Lt. Henry Stirke wrote: “About 1 o’clock the Hessian Grenadiers, with the 2^nd Brigade and some light dragoons, attacked a large body of the rebels, ver advantageously posted on a hill, behind stone walls, from which they received a very heavy fire as they advanced; but the rebels were soon drove from them, tho’ not without some loss on our side.”[57] British historian Charles Steadman interviewed officers who participated in the battle and in his 1794 text wrote “… a part of our left wing passed the ford, which was entirely under command of our cannon. They then mounted the hill [Chatterton], and very gallantly drove the enemy from the strong heights on which they were posted…”[58]

Robert Beatson’s 1804 text based on British memoirs gave an accurate account of the British version writing: “The 28^th and 35^th regiments, who were the first to support the Hessians, forded it [Bronx River]… and forming on the opposite bank with the greatest steadfastness, although all the time exposed to a severe fire, ascended the deep hill, and in defiance of all opposition, rushed upon the enemy with fixed bayonets, routed, and drove them back from their works. These two brave battalions were instantly supported by the 5^th and 49^th regiments… The Hessian grenadiers also coming up and passing the Bronx, ascended the height with great alacrity, and in the best order, ordered forward upon the heights, within cannon shot of the enemy’s entrenchments [approx. 500 yards].[59]

Historian George Bancroft concurred in his 1866 text on the History of America, however he gave more credit to Hessian Colonel Rall’s flanking movement: “Rall brought up two regiments by a southerly route and charged the Americans on the flank.”[60] This occurred at a critical movement in the assault and forced the Americans holding their center and left to retreat; concurred by primary American sources.

Lieutenant Colonel Harrison, aide to Washington, when referring to the action on Chatterton’s Hill put it most succinctly when he wrote: “Covering themselves with their cannon, they [British & Hessians] advanced in two divisions, and after a smart engagement, of about a quarter of an hour, obliged our men to give way.”[61] The Americans on Chatterton’s Hill stood their ground during an intense bombardment by Hessian artillery, feebly answering with one, but no more than three, 3 pound field pieces, and when pressed by a persistent enemy, withdrew. As stated, some American first-hand accounts state that they initially drove the enemy back. Captain William Hull, Webb’s 19^th Conn., also gave a brief description of the action: “It [Chatterton Hill] was attacked by the whole force of the British army, and was obliged to give way, after sustaining an obstinate and severe conflict, and the enemy became possessed of the ground. In this action, I received a slight wound by a musket ball.”[62]

Major Tallmadge of General Spencer’s division wrote: “When they [Hessians] had advanced within a few yards of a stone wall, behind which Gen. McDougall had placed them [his command], our troops poured upon the Hessian column, under Gen. Rall, such a destructive fire, that they retreated down the hill in disorder, leaving a considerable number of the corps on the field.”  He went on to write: “The enemy having rallied, and being reinforced, made a second attempt upon Gen. McDougall’s detachment, who gave them a second warm reception…”[63]

Note: though Gen. Rall attacked the American right only, Tallmadge, at the time the letter was written, must have assumed that Gen. Rall commanded the entire field. Lt. Colonel Tilghman, aide to Washington, made no mention of driving the enemy back: “… our troops made as good a stand as could be expected and did not quit the ground, thill they [the enemy] came to push their bayonets.”[64] Army engineer Colonel Rufus Putnam went beyond Maj. Tallmadge’s account that the enemy was driven back once having written: “The British in their advance were twice repulsed; at length, however, their numbers were increased so that they were able to turn our ight flank.”

Second Lt. Elisha Bostwick, was also in Colonel Webb’s 19^th Conn. Regiment. He recalled that his regiment arrived shortly after Col. Haslet’s regiment and was ordered further down the hill: “…We soon came to the place of action a large field of fenced lots but were wholly exposed to the fire of their artillery which played upon us from an eminence which over looked us from the east when their foot were advancing upon us from the south and were soon at musket shot….our regiment was ordered by Genl. McDougall farther down the hill and while making that movement as I supposed to prevent our being flanked from that quarter as we were on the declivity of the hill a cannon ball cut down Lt. Young’s Platoon which was next to that of mine.”[66]

Colonel Haslet of the ‘Delaware Blues’, they, along with Smallwood’s Marylanders were considered the most ‘soldierly’ outfits in the American army, arrived shortly after the militia and before General McDougall’s brigade. He gave a very detailed and succinct description of this stage of the battle in his letter to Caesar Rodney[67] dated Nov. 12, 1776. He states that the enemy was repelled twice and detailed the poor handling of American artillery. Interestingly, his commentary that the rest of McDougal’s force never came up to the action was partly vindicated by return of casualty reports. While Ritzema, Smallwood, and Webb suffered a total of 99 casualties, McDougal’s vacant regiment had but one.[68]

“… On my seeing the enemy’s march to the creek begin in a column of their main body, and urging the necessity of bringing our field pieces immediately forward to bear upon them, the General ordered one, and that so poorly appointed, that myself was forced to assist in dragging it along the rear of the regiment. While so employed, a cannon-ball struck the carriage, and scattered the shot about, a wad of tow blazin in the middle. The artillerymen fled. One alone was prevailed upon to tread out the blaze nad collect the shot. The few that returned made not more than two discharges, when they retreated with the field piece.”[69]

Without artillery to assist in repelling the enemy, the remaining infantry was severely at a disadvantage. “At this time, the Maryland battalion was warmly engaged, and the enemy ascending the hill. The cannonade from twelve or fifteen pieces, well served, kept up a continual peal of reiterated thunder. The militia regiment behind the fence fled in confusion, without more than a random, scattering fire.”

Here Haslet failed to mention the flanking motion by Hessian Colonel Rall that immediately routed the militia under Brooks. “Colonel Smallwood in a quarter of an hour afterwards, gave way also. The rest of General McDougall’s brigade never came up to the scene of action. Part of the first three Delaware companies also retreated in disorder, but not till after several were wounded and killed. The left of the regiment took post behind a fence on the top of the hill with most of the officers and twice repulsed the light troops and horse of the enemy; but seeing ourselves deserted on all hands, and the continued column of the enemy advancing, we also retired. Covering the retreat of our party, and forming at the foot of the hill we marched into camp in the rear of the body sent to reinforce us.”[70]

Colonel Haslet did not mention Colonel Webb’s regiment which suffered casualties, though less than Haslet’s or Smallwood’s. Perhaps in the heat of battle, he thought Webb’s regiment remained beside McDougal’s vacant regiment during the action. Nor did he address Colonel Silliman’s regiment who, according to Colonel Silliman, was also present on Chatterton’s Hill. This supports evidence that Colonel Silliman’s account was questionable or has been interpreted incorrectly. Haslet also wrote of light horse which some primary and secondary sources state attacked along with Rall’s troops on the American right.

The assault on Chatterton’s Hill, that may be the most feasible scenario, is best described by General Heath. He stated that the British forces halted their artillery when their troops approached the American lines. This led to a misconception that the Hessians and British troops were also halted or driven back.

He wrote: “As the troops which were advancing to the attack ascended the hill, the cannonade on the side of the British ceased as their own men became exposed to their fire, if continued. The fire of small-arms was now very heavy, and without any distinction of sounds. This led some American officers, who were looking on, to observe that the British were worsted, as their cannon had ceased firing; but a few minutes evinced that the Americans were giving way. They moved off the hill in a great body, neither running nor observing the best order. The British ascended the hill very slowly; and when arrived at its summit, formed and dressed their line, without the least attempt to pursue the Americans.”[71]

Historian Henry Johnston, who wrote in 1878 what is considered the more accurate account of the battles around New York, that the attacking Hessians paused during the initial American fire, but continued on: “McDougall’s men reserved their fire until the enemy were within short range, when they poured destructive shower of bullets upon them. The British recoiled, but moved up again to the attack, while Rall came around more on the left, [his left – American right] and after a brisk fight, in which the militia facing Rall failed to stand their ground, they succeeded in compelling McDougall to retreat.”72]

British dragoons accompanied the two British/Hessian columns; the 16 Regiment of Dragoons on the right with Lt. Gen. Clinton, and the 17^th dragoons on the left under Lt. Gen. Heister.[73] General Heath’s memoir reported that a company of dragoons were fired upon by cannon on the American left,[74] resulting in the death of one dragoon. Early historian William Gordon wrote in his 1801 text that “[McDougall] while engaged with these forces in front, four regiments of militia, upon the approach of about 250 light horse, ran away…”[75] John Church Hamilton wrote in 1865: “As soon as the militia were scattered by the British dragoons, a part of McDougall’s brigade… were ordered to retreat.”[76]

Modern historian Christopher Ward[77] credited the dragoons for routing the American militia on Chatterton’s Hill while historian Henry Johnston makes no mention of light horse during the assault on the hill.[78] British Second Lt. Strike wrote that light cavalry accompanied the 2^nd brigade in the assault on Chatterton Hill; “…Hessian grenadiers, with the 2^nd Brigade and some light dragoons attacked a large body of the rebels, very advantageously posted on a hill – behind stone walls.”[79] Colonel Haslet is the only primary source known to have been on Chatterton Hill who states that British dragoons were present. He wrote: “The left of the regiment took post behind a fence on the top of the hill with most of the officers, and twice repulsed the Light Troops and Horse of the enemy…”[80]

Aftermath

Each side suffered similar losses in killed, wounded, and captured. The details varied so much between texts and firsthand accounts; Howe had the habit of underestimating his loses, exaggerating rebel losses and rarely listing Hessian losses. American losses were no more than 300 killed, wounded and missing with around 45 killed. The British losses were no more than 313 killed, wounded and missing with around 50 killed. Historians have considered the contest to be a draw.

That evening the British retained Chatterton’s Hill in full view of the American lines to the east. The Hessian grenadiers were ordered forward within cannon shot of the entrenchments. The second brigade of the British formed on their rear and the two Hessian brigades were stationed to the left of the British second. The center and right of the British line did not quit the ground upon which they had formed that day.

Washington, assuming an attack at any moment, strengthened his right. However, the British army was content to lay upon their arms during the night expecting to attack the rebel camp the next day. Interestingly, a terrific rain began to fall that night and all the next day, postponing any plans for an attack. Howe decided to wait until Lord Percy sent the reinforcements he requested. Finally, October 31^st, Howe believed he was properly strengthened to make an attack upon Washington’s breastworks when he discovered the old fox and slipped away once more. Washington drew back his forces three miles to Castle North the night before and threw up entrenchments. This was a strong position for his men were on higher ground with the Croton River on their left, leaving it impossible for General Clinton to flank the Americans.

Howe did not want to chance a direct attack. He decided to return to New York and assess the situation, focusing on erasing any rebel presence on Manhattan and considering winter quarters. Washington, fearing that his adversary may make an attempt to capture Philadelphia, hastened his troops north, crossed the Hudson, and marched into New Jersey. He took four thousand troops with him leaving the rest with Generals Heath and Lee to form a barrier between the British forces in New York and New England. This set the stage for the disastrous loss of Fort Washington and the American army’s desperate flight across New Jersey to Trenton.

Myth of New York Artillery Commanded by Captain Alexander Hamilton

Historians either disagree or omit the effectiveness of American artillery during the assault of Chatterton’s Hill. A scan of the web will offer countless examples of laurels placed on the heads of Hamilton who supposedly commanded the two gun crews stationed on Chatterton Hill. Several recent books written by respected historians echo this, however many older texts give Hamilton’s contribution to the battle a mere mention; most failing to even comment on Hamilton and the American artillery on Chatterton Hill. See Alexander Hamilton the Myth and the Man Part 1: He Never Fired a Shot During the Battle of White Plains!

Colonel Haslet, who led the renowned Delaware regiment and was present throughout the action on Chatterton Hill, was dismayed by the decrepit condition of the American artillery. He afterward wrote, “…so poorly appointed, [artillery] that myself was forced to assist in dragging it along the rear of the regiment. While so employed, a cannon-ball struck the carriage and scattered the shot about, a wad of tow blazing in the middle. The artillerymen fled. One alone was prevailed upon to tread out the blaze and collect the shot. The few that returned made not more than two discharges, when they retreated with the field-piece.”  Schecter, in the Battle for New York, joined the band wagon somewhat when he stated both that Hamilton artillery corps helped to drive off the Hessians from Chatterton Hill, but adds Haslet’s first hand frustration with the American artillery. Schecter admits Haslet’s regiment had to remove one of the New York cannon from the field; the cannon crew having left the field ‘in a hurry.’

So what to believe?  The smoke, confusion, fog of battle, all of it lends to its share of frustration and controversy. The artillery may have done its fair share until a well placed cannon shot drove the crew back, forcing Haslet’s aide to remove it before it was captured. Perhaps one crew was poorly manned and Hamilton expertly oversaw the use of the other. However, there is NO primary source that places Alexander Hamilton in charge of cannon on Chatterton’s Hill…PERIOD.

Research confirms all reports but one that state that the Americans positioned two cannon on the hill. Though there are extensive reports detailing officers in charge of units on Chatterton’s Hill during the British and Hessian assault, not a single one mentions the commander of the two cannon. If indeed Hamilton was the officer, the cannon were handled so dismally, that all historical reports of their masterful effectiveness are nothing but fable. Further research indicates that the source of this misinformation stemmed from John Hamilton’s (Alexander’s son) colorful, but fictional, description of his father’s performance that day. It was not until after John Hamilton’s romantic account of his father’s incredible feats that day was published, than numerous other historical texts followed John Hamilton’s lead, claiming that Captain Hamilton’s artillery played a significant role during the battle – many quoting John Hamilton. In turn, John Hamilton had quoted his father as proof of his presence- however those quotes were lifted from another battle during Hamilton’s testimony at a court marshal of another officer, and offered as proof for the Battle of White Plains. Even the U.S. Government was fooled by a stamp commemorating the Battle of White Plains with an illustration of one of Hamilton’s cannon in action.

Also of Interest on Revolutionary War Journal

Westchester County New York, Neutral Ground in the American Revolution Suffered Their Own Horrific War

Article 1 of 3. Alexander Hamilton was Not a Hero at the Battle of White Plains. New Evidence Reveals Source of Misinformation.

Battle of Pelham (or Pells Point) Oct. 18, 1776. American Loss that Saved Washington’s Army from Annihilation

Battle of Mamaroneck, New York – “A Pretty Affair” in the American Revolutionary War

Shades of Liberty is the exciting new action-packed series that chronicles African Americans who fought in the American Revolutionary War. Click above for a preview and link to Amazon Books and follow the adventures of Josiah, Book 1 of the Shades of Liberty Series. Josiah is a runaway slave and patriot soldier in Washington’s army. He faces death and discrimination from both a deadly enemy and soldiers in his own army. Josiah and fellow black patriots fight for America’s freedom, believing in a new nation that claims all men are created equal. They hope, they suffer, and many die striving for their rightful share of that promise – a promise disguised in many shades of liberty.

FOOTNOTES

[1] Dawson, pg. 260.

[2] A British Officer’s Revolutionary War Journal, Lt. Henry S. Strike, Maryland Historical Mag., pg. 162. He wrote:  The army march’d at ½ after 7 O’Clock for the White Plains, and dislog’d several large parties of Reels, that threw themselves into the woods in our front.”

[3] Dawson, Battles of the United States…”, pg. 185.

[4] Heath, pg. 69.  “… [Reed] had remained at camp, informed the Commander in Chief that the guards had been all beat in and the whole American Army were now at their respective posts, in order of battle.”

[5] American Archives Force, Ser. V, Vol. 3, Wadsworth Brigade pg. 726, Sergent’s Brigade, pg. 724, Saltonstall Brigade, pp 721-722, Gen. Fellows Brigade, pg. 725

[6] The 13^th Pennsylvania Regiment was raised on March 6, 1776 under Colonel Samuel Miles. At the Battle of Long Island, Aug. 27^th, this unit guarded the far left of the American line. They suffered heavily in General Clinton’s flanking attack: 209 killed or missing. Colonel Miles was captured and was not exchanged until April 20, 1778. At White Plains, the 13^th Penn was in Sullivan’s division.

[7] Ewald, pg. 9.

[8] Ewald pp 11 & 12.

[9] Ewald pg. 12.

[10] Colonels Silliman & Douglas, of General Wadsworth’s brigade wrote that their corp of four regiments marched together; Johnston, pg. ii56-57, Johnston, pg. ii72.  Major Tallmadge, Wadsworth’s brigade major wrote that their brigade proceeded down the York Road which was on the right flank of the American forces that faced the British left column which were mostly Hessian forces; Tallmadge, pg. 17.

[11] Maryland Historical Mag., Vol. 56, No. 2 pg. 162.

[12] Martin, pg. 47.

[13] Johnston, Apendix 22, pg. ii72.

[14] Johnston, Appendix 17, pp ii56-57.

[15] Tallmadge, pg. 17.

[16] Jones pg. 622.

[17] Robert Harrison, secretary to Gen. Washington wrote to Hancock, president of Congress, that the action on Chatterton Hill lasted fifteen minutes, American Archives Force, Ser. V, Vol 2, pg. 1282; Bancroft pp 181-182; Jones, 622; A letter from General Washington’s Headquarters, written the day of the battle, stated that the Americans withdrew from their defense of Chatterton Hill by 2PM, lending further proof to the assualt’s short timeframe, Am. Archives, Ser. V, Vol. 2, pg. 1271; Colonel Haslet states that Colonel Smallwood’s troops fought for fifteen minutes before retreating, Ryden, pg. 143, Am Archives Force, Ser. V, Vol. 3, pp 654.

[18] Putnam, The Memoirs of Rufus Putnam and Certain Official Papers and Correspondence, pg. 65, Johnston, pg. 274. Putnam wrote “The British in their advance were twice repulsed; at length, however, their numbers were increased so that they were able to turn our right flank.”

[19] Heath, pg. 69.

[20] Heath, pp 68-69.

[21] Drake Life & Correspondence of Henry Knox, pg. 33.

[22] Jones pg. 622.

[23] Putnam, The Memoirs of Rufus Putnam and Certain Official Papers and Correspondence, pg. 64-65 & Johnston, pg. ii 139 – document #43.

[24] American Archives Force, Ser. V, Vol. 2, pg. 1241. On Oct 24, at White Plains, General Orders defines Officers ordered to supply men and entrenching tools under engineer Rufus Putnam’s supervision. “…All the officers who assisted in the works to meet at Colonel Putnam’s headquarters at 3 o’clock this afternoon, in order to lay out a number of works… for such numbers of men as may be wanting for several works.

[25] Benjamin Lincoln commanded this division of approx. 1,000 militiamen from Mass. Letter from the Mass. Council to General Washington, dated Sept. 24, 1776: “At this time we informed you that this State had resolved to draft one-fifth part of their Militia, to reinforce the army of New York… the Hon. Benjamin Lincoln, Ewq., Major-General of the Militia of this State, has been appointed to this command…”  Am. Archives Force, Ser. V, Vol. 2, pg. 507.

[26] In a letter from Washington’s Headquarters written at 2 PM on the day of battle, only Brook’s Militia is stated to have been on Chatterton Hill. Am. Archives Force, Ser. V, Vol. 2, pg 1271; Am. Archives Force, Ser. V, Vol. 3, pp 715-730.

[27] Colonel Haslet wrote: “I received his Excellency’s orders [Washington] to take possession of the hill [CDhatterton’s Hill] beyond our lines [to the west and about a mile south], and the command of the Militia regiments there posted; which was done.” Am. Archives Force, Ser. V, Vol. 3, pp 653-654; Ryden Letters to and From Caesar Rodney, pg 143.

[28] Am. Archives Force, Series 5, Vol. 3, pp 488-489.

[29] Lord Stirling was captured at the Battle of Long Island, Aug. 27, 1776, while leading four companies of Smallwood’s Maryland regiment against a British force five times their number (almost all were killed or captured). He was taken aboard Admiral Howe’s flagship and released in an exchange for Florida’s Governor Montford Brown three weeks after the battle. He would have been present at White Plains. Schumacher, pg. 38.

[30] Am. Archives Force, Ser. V, Vol 2, pg. 1119.

[31] Am. Archives Force, Ser. V, Vol 2, pg. 1119.

[32] Am. Archives Force, Ser. V, Vol 2, pg 1059 lists McDougal’s former 1^st regiment as vacant; Also Johnston, pg. 274 who wrote that “They [Haslet’s Delaware regiment] were followed immediately by McDougall’s brigade, consisting of what was lately his own battalion [regiment] which had no field officers.

[33] American Archives Force, Ser. V, Vol. 3,Return of casualties at White Plains, pp 717-718; Putnam The Memoirs of Rufus Putnam…, pp 64-65, Hull Memoirs, Appendix ii; Tilghman (Hall), pg. 145; Ryden Letters to and from Caesar Rodney 1756-1784, pg. 143, Am. Archives Force, Ser V, Vol. 2, pg. 1271.

[34] Bancroft, pp 181-182, Trevelyan pg. 314.

[35] Am. Archives Force, Ser. V, Vol. 3, pg. 831. In A. Scammell, Adj. General’s Return dated Nov. 24^th, 1776, was listed the artillery in McDougal’s Brigade: 2 fieldpieces, 1 Cpt.-Lt., 1 Lt., 2 Sergents, 28 Matrosses (artificers).

[36] Colonel Douglas wrote: “They cut my regiment off from our main body and got ahead of me, but I took advantage of a wood and got clear of them. They are now near neighbors, our lines are about half a mile.” Johnston, pg ii72. Martin wrote: “We fell back a little distance and made a stand; detached parties engaging in almost every direction. We did not come in contact with the enemy again that day…” Martin, pg. 47.

[37] Johnston, ii57.

[38] Tumbridge, pg. 17.

[39] The following letter was drafted on October 28^th at Washington’s headquarters. It lists specifically those units that defended Chatterton Hill. Colonel Silliman’s regiment is not mentioned: “The post being detained by desire of the General, gives me an opportunity… to acquaint you that the part of our army which was engaged today was a brigade commanded by General McDougall, composed of Webb’s, Ritzema’s, Smallwood’s, aslet’s, and Brooks’s regiments [no mention of another militia].” Am. Archives Force, Ser. V, Vol. 2, pg. 1271.

[40] Dann, Sergeant Craige of Mosley’s regiment wrote: “Brooks regiment was next to us.”

[41] Am. Archives Force, Ser. 5, Vol. 3, pg. 1401.

[42] Tilghman, pg. 145.

[43] Lowell, pp 76-77, Also Lt. Harrison, aide to Washington, commented on the severe bombardment, Jones, pg. 622.

[44] Am. Archives Force, Ser. 5, Vol. 3, pp 663-664.

[45] Colonel Rufus Putnam, engineer present on Chatterton Hill wrote: “General McDougall about this time arriving with his brigade [after the Hessians began their bombardment] from Burtis’s and observingthe British to be crossing the Bronx below in large bodies in order to attack us, our troops were posted to receive them in a very advantageous position. Johnston, pg. 132.

[46] Hull, Appendix ii.  Hull of Webb’s regiment wrote: “The position the American army had taken was on the heights, a small distance back of the White Plains; and a division of this army was posted on Chatterdon’s Hill, about a mile in its front. Colonel Webb’s regiment formed a part of this division.”

[47] Am. Archives Force, Ser. V, Vol. 3.  See the return of casualties pg. 718 & 727.

[48] Ryden, Letters to & From Caesar Rodney, pg. 143; Am. Archives Force, Ser. V, Vol. 3, pp 653-654.

[49] Powell, Bostwick Memoirs, pp 100-101. Bancroft states that Haslet and Webb’s regiments moved forward, Bancroft, pp 181-182.

[50] Johnston, pg. 274-275.

[51] Beatson, pg. 175.

[52] General Heath wrote: “They [British & Hessian forces] moved higher up the other side of the little rivulet Bronx which was generally fordable.” Am. Archives Force, Ser. V, Vol. 2, pg. 1130.

[53] Hall, Life and Letters of Samuel Holden Parsons, pg. 72.

[54] Dawson, pg 185; Beatson, Vol. 4, pg. 175.

[55] Johnston, pg ii56.

[56] Trevelyan, Vol. II, pg. 313.

[57] Bradford, Maryland Historical Magazine, Vol. 56, No. 2., pg. 162.

[58] Steadman, Vol. I, pg. 214.

[59] Beatson, pg. 175. Also Dawson, pp 185-186.

[60] Bancroft, pp 181-182.

[61]Am. Archives Force, Ser V, Vol 2, pg. 1282; Robinson, pg. 30; Jones, pg. 622. J. Robinson, Official Letters to the Honorable American Congress, Written During the War Between the United Colonies and Great Britain by His Excellency George Washington, 1795, pg. 30]  also [Force, Archives, Ser. 5, vol 2, pg. 1282.]  .  “… Covering themselves with their cannon, they advanced in two divisions, and after a smart engagement, of about a quarter of an hour, obliged our men to give way.” [Jones, 622].

[62] Hull, Appendix ii.

[63] Tallmadge, pp 13-14.

[64] Harrison, Memoir of Lieutenant Colonel Tench Tilghman…”, pp 145-146.

[65] Putnam, Memoirs of Rufus Putnam…, pp 64-65; Johnston, pg ii 39.

[66] Powell, Elisha Bostwick’s Memoirs…”, pp 100-101.

[67] Caesar Rodney: Brigadier General of the Delaware militia & signer of the Declaration of Independence. He is reported to have ridden 80 miles through a thunderstorm on June 30, 1776, to cast the deciding vote for independence.

[68] Ritzema (34), Smallwood (44), Webb (11), McDougal vacant regiment (1). Am. Archives Force, Ser. V, Vol. 3, pp 725 & 729.

[69] Am. Archives Force, Ser. V, Vol. 3, pp 653-654; Ryden Letters to and From Caesar Rodney, pg 143.

[70] Ibid.

[71] Heath, pg. 70.

[72] Johnston, pg. 275.

[73] Ewald, pg. 11.

[74] Heath, pg. 69.

[75] Gordon, Vol. II, pp 119-121.

[76] John Hamilton, Vol. I, pp 133-134.

[77] Ward, pg. 266.  Ward wrote “Haslet… twice repulsed the light troops and horse of the enemy… By then Birch’s British light dragoons came into view. All this was too much for the green militiamen. They broke and ran with the horsemen pursuing. A hundred men were surrounded – some escaped into the woods and the rest surrendered. [Ward gives on citation for the last sentence – and this researcher had found no documents to support it].

[78] Johnston, pg. 275.

[79] Maryland Historical Magazine, Vol. 56, No. 2, pg. 162.

[80] Am. Archives Force, Ser. V, Vol. 3, pp 653-654; Ryden Letters to and From Caesar Rodney, pg 143.

Read the first installment of A Black Man’s Destiny (Shades of Liberty) here.

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